The Indian Air Force joined 19 other air forces in well-known biennial, multi- national air combat exercise Pitch Black 2024 hosted by the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) in the month of July. This exercise witnessed over 140 aircraft and 4400 military personnel of various air forces engage in both Offensive Counter Air (OCA) and Defensive Counter Air (DCA) combat drills. This exercise was aimed at enhancing interoperability, mutual exchange of best practices and strengthen relationships. ^[1] This is the third time the IAF is participating in such big level international exercise and the focus of such exercises has been on engaging key players and stake holders for regional security and cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region. With Australia being the host, other countries included India, Canada, Germany, France, Malaysia, the US, New Zealand, Indonesia, Italy, Papua New Guinea, Brunei, Fiji, Singapore, Japan, the Republic of Korea, the UK, Philippines, Thailand, and Spain. ^[2]

This joint international event points at the need of prominent Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and Indo-Pacific countries coming together for a large-scale air exercise in which the Indian Air Force (IAF) has been invited thrice. It also underlines presence of countries which are members of either or both of the two most significant collaborative dialogues/frameworks in the Indo-Pacific region i.e. Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and Australia-UK-US (AUKUS). Strategic importance of IOR and the Indo-Pacific has only been increasing and consequent power projection tussles are on the horizon. With rising hegemonic behaviour of China in the South China Sea (SCS) and propagation of its economically exploitative Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), there is inexorable need of multilateral dialogues and arrangements focussed on security as well as growth of this region. While the navies of stakeholders have been interacting with each other through symposiums and exercises, the relevance of having a robust air power protection over the region is worth dwelling upon because the history is replete with examples of importance of effective air power over the high seas for secured growth.

Importance of IOR

Home to major Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOCs) and strategic choke points of major economies, Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has gained the importance of power projection arena over last few decades. Today, the Indian Ocean is one of the most critical and busiest naval transportation links in the world. Almost a hundred thousand ships pass through it in a year, carrying about half of the world’s container shipments, one-third of the world’s bulk cargo traffic and more than 80 percent of the world's seaborne trade in oil. The Indian Ocean clearly holds the key to the Asian century which has assumed its name by significantly growing Asian economies like India, Japan, South Korea and China. Indian Ocean can thus colloquially be called the ‘new centre of the world’.

India and the IOR

While the attention of other countries towards the IOR is fairly recent, India has maintained trade and civilisational links with many countries in the region long before it was a colonial lake. It is because of India’s unique geographic location as well as historical, economic, and cultural links that makes it pivot of the Indian Ocean. In present times as well, India assumes a significant role in the IOR which has been recognised very well by other major stakeholders like the US, Japan, France, Germany, and Australia, among others. India has always believed in principle of mutual and inclusive growth under secured environment while staying away from joining any alliance or treaty. Towards the IOR, including ASEAN countries and immediate littoral neighbourhood, this Indian outlook is evident from its vision ‘SAGAR’ which stands for ‘Security and Growth for All in the Region’, and was underlined by the present Prime Minister in March 2015 in Mauritius. ^[3] It aims at safeguarding organic unity of the region while advancing cooperation and meeting the challenges such as maritime terrorism, piracy, drug trafficking etc. This vision depends on securing end-to-end supply chains in the region; no disproportionate dependence on a single country; and ensuring prosperity for all stakeholder nations. ^[4] India’s Indo-Pacific policy is an extension of its SAGAR vision combined with Act East policy which are guided by norms and governed by rules, with freedom of navigation, open connectivity, and respect for sovereignty of all states.

China is Becoming the Elephant in the Room

Over the period, with increasing globalisation, trade dependence, the seamless connectivity of the maritime domain and maritime threats becoming more transnational in nature, physical boundaries have become blurred and awareness of the importance of ensuring secured seas for the unhindered movement of trade and energy has increased. This has also coincided with the historically unprecedented rise of China, in sheer scale and ambition. Its territorial claims in the South China Sea, belligerence in the East China Sea and rapid advance into the Indian Ocean through ambitious strategic and economic initiatives like the Belt-and Road Initiative (BRI) have challenged the established international rules-based system which respects the oceans as the common heritage of mankind. ^[5] India is concerned about two issues. One, the security of its maritime trade through the IOR (choke points and SLOCs) as the power balance conundrum in the IOR is picking up and two; the Chinese belligerence in Eastern Ladakh which can harass India in its operational space in the IOR. The strategic maritime space of India is shrinking because of these two issues. While China’s economic debt trap diplomacy in the IOR littorals is constantly enhancing its influence under its BRI strategy, its arming of Pakistan also reflects her desire to keep India engaged away from the Indian Ocean which should be India’s focus area for sustained growth.

Need of Multilateral Frameworks in the Region

The significance of Indo-Pacific today has its roots in the Indian Ocean becoming the crossroads of global commerce on one hand and arena of emerging power projection playground on the other. The threat to rule-based world order in the oceans of this region became primary reason of convergence of major stake-holder democracies. Hence QUAD became significant, though the quotient of ‘security’ from QUAD is still being underplayed. ^[6] The QUAD was born from the vision of the Indo-Pacific as a single strategic space, where activities in one area would inevitably affect activities in the other. There were two underlying motivations behind this grouping and vision. The first was that the United States, Australia, India, and Japan have a vested interest in upholding the rules and norms of the current order; augmenting existing institutions; ensuring freedom of navigation and trade; and promoting connectivity, economic development, and security within existing rules and standards. Notably, this vision is synonymous with India’s vision SAGAR. The second was that all four QUAD members believed that China’s rise and the reach of its BRI posed a threat to them and the region.

India and QUAD can be complementary as QUAD can provide a long-term strategy to deter China in the region, especially given that Chinese strategy, thus far, has been less about security encirclement and more about economic enmeshment. China is, for example, a key player in the global supply chain, not just through BRI, but also through initiatives such as vaccine diplomacy, exporting critical minerals, and building up people-to-people knowledge networks. Through the QUAD, India can have more impact in shaping the global order and restraining China. At the same time, the QUAD keeps the door open for India for close defence cooperation without resorting to a security alliance. ^[7]

Formation of AUKUS

In September 2021, to counter the growing military presence of China, Australia, the UK, and the US announced a defence and security partnership - AUKUS. This is a military alliance and under this the first major initiative is collaboration on nuclear-powered submarines for the Royal Australian Navy. These submarines are expected to help in the stability of the Indo-Pacific Region. The AUKUS is expected to play a very important role in ensuring peaceful and rules based international order^[8] which also is a common goal of QUAD. This way AUKUS can help India without directly involving India since the trilateral pact involves close strategic partners of New Delhi to counter China in the Indo-Pacific, and consequently serves New Delhi’s interests for a stable balance of power in the Indo-Pacific, a check on Beijing’s bellicosity, all the while allowing India to maintain its strategic autonomy. ^[9]

Indian Armed Forces in Strategic Maritime Domain

To achieve the goal of secured and mutual growth, India has always projected and cultivated a well-rounded relationship with its neighbours as well as with countries within and beyond the IOR. The armed forces of India have, in the past and will continue to contribute to this holistic outreach. The Indian armed forces form an important component in projecting India’s foreign policy on the world stage. Well before emergence of Indo-Pacific concept, India was already strengthening security and freedom of navigation in the IOR and handling responsibilities of a regional security provider by participating either in peacekeeping efforts, HADR requirements or anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden. By sharing equipment, training and exercises, India has built relationships with partner countries across the region. In the past few years, India has provided coastal surveillance radar systems to half a dozen nations – Mauritius, Seychelles, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Myanmar and Bangladesh. All these countries also use Indian patrol boats, as do Mozambique and Tanzania. The frequency and number of defence training programmes have also increased. Mobile training teams have been deputed to 11 countries – from Vietnam to South Africa, as well as Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Myanmar. ^[10] India has been actively engaging regional as well as extra-regional countries in international defence exercises on bilateral and multilateral platforms. Ex Pitch Black 24 and Ex Tarang Shakti 24 (a major multinational air exercise hosted by India) are examples of such strategic engagements. This hints at global appreciation of Indian Armed Forces and enthusiasm of engaging with them for mutual understanding of operations. All the three services either individually or collectively are strengthening India’s role as a peaceful and responsible nation. Along with various types of defence cooperation, international exercises with the defence forces of like-minded countries have enhanced India’s military diplomacy on global platform.

Multirole IAF in the IOR and Indo-Pacific

Indian government has increased the engagement in the IOR and Indo Pacific bilaterally and multilaterally in the last few years. In many air exercises, the IAF has engaged with IOR countries like Australia, Egypt, Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Malaysia, Oman, South Africa, Singapore, Thailand and UAE; and there are plans to engage with more countries of this region and beyond. Other than air exercises, IAF contingents from other branches like Garud (special forces) also have participated in international exercises with many countries. The multilateral exercise named 'Samvedna' in 2018 was the first composite HADR exercise in the South Asian Region and involved representatives from air forces/air wings of Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal and the UAE. This exercise was spearheaded by the IAF as first step by air forces of the region to practice and evolve a joint Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) capability. The aim was to help in putting in place a basic framework for conducting joint Air HADR operations, which will be further refined by subsequent exercises.

As a saviour in distress, the role of the IAF has been distinctive in all kinds of operations because of its ability and efficiency to respond fast along with its inherent characteristics of range, mobility and flexibility. Other than countless rescue missions within the country, many nations have benefitted from the HADR and Non-Combatant Evacuation (NCE) mission capabilities of the IAF. The successful evacuation of 1,11,711 Indian citizens from Iraq, Kuwait, and Jordan in 1990 by operating 488 refugee flights over a period of 59 days by Air India and IAF has been a world record. Similar missions were carried out from Lebanon in 2006 (Operation Sukoon) and in Libya in 2011. The Indian Air Force (IAF) also carried out ‘Operation Rahat’ (Yemen Evacuation 2015), when Yemen faced a civil war situation in 2015.

During the outbreak of pandemic of Covid-19, the IAF was tasked by the Indian government to provide assistance to many countries including evacuating citizens of different countries along with its own citizens from places of the first COVID-19 outbreak. India sent medical help to many countries including Mauritius, Seychelles, Maldives, Nepal, Iran, Malaysia and Myanmar. In this war against Corona, the ‘air warriors’ of the IAF have been at the forefront extending continuous support to the nation and other countries, immaterial of the dangers they face themselves from this pandemic.

Significance of IAF Towards Security of the Region

In recent times, the IAF has shown its capabilities of reaching anywhere within the IOR at short notice and has also undertaken exercises across the Indo-Pacific so as to make itself more familiar with the region. The IAF conducted extensive missions flown by its multirole fighter aircraft Su-30s, Mirage 2000s and strike aircraft Jaguars, in conjunction withP-8I Poseidon Long-Range Maritime Patrol (LRMP) aircraft of the Indian Navy during Ex Gagan Shakti 18 – a pan-India comprehensive exercise. They practised delivery of long-range weapons such as the cruise missile BrahMos and anti-ship Harpoon missiles to refine offensive and defensive tactics against maritime targets as well. It demonstrated a significant operational range with the help of Air-to Air Refuelling (AAR) by IL-78 Flight Refuelling Aircraft (FRA). These capabilities, paired with a permanent base in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, provide evidence that India has improved its capacity for maritime air operations and can enhance maritime surveillance in the IOR significantly. These can be seen as decisive steps towards securing vital sea lanes of communications (SLOCs) for India and its friendly neighbours in the IOR.

The use of airpower for defending and denying maritime spaces to adversary’s naval forces can be very similar to that of nuclear-powered submarines i.e. SSNs. Australia, which has for long punched way above its weight in strategic terms, adheres to the western philosophy of ‘forward defence’, i.e. fighting wars away from home shores. The SSNs being acquired under AUKUS will provide this capability of rendering the seas unsafe for naval surface forces, whether amphibious task forces, or carrier strikes groups thus warding off the threat well away from Australian shores. This is not a digression in strategic terms. Australia operated the F-111 ‘Aardvark’ bomber for a long time giving it a very effective deterrent against its then threat perception, Indonesia. Today, it is mulling the purchase of the next generation stealth strategic bomber, the B21 ‘Raider’ not just for the capability^[11], but also for the apparent cost advantage in up front acquisition cost, as well as the multiple re-visits of the target system that an aerial platform can achieve while surface platforms cannot. Situated in the Indian context, there is a strong case for enhanced long range strike capability by way of aerial platforms like capable fighter aircraft with aerial refuelling carrying long range cruise missiles that will allow delivery of desired volume of firepower at extended ranges from Indian shores. Possession of such a capability can effectively rule out any significant Chinese surface naval threat from the region while also projecting power, conducting effective signalling, and allowing far greater cooperation in the global commons of international airspace with partner countries.

IAF has one active base in almost centre of the Eastern IOR. Andaman & Nicobar Islands are like biggest stationary aircraft carriers as well as natural fortress for India. These islands can provide many military options to keep the busiest sea lanes under surveillance and enhance air power projection from Bay of Bengal to Pacific Sea. It allows India to keep a vigilant eye on the strategically important Malacca Strait, through which 80 per cent of China’s crude and oil imports from the Middle East and Africa passes, along with fuel imports for Japan and South Korea. These islands are literally our first line of defence in case of a conventional maritime threat and one knows that a sub-conventional attack through sea or air cannot be ruled out. Collaborative air policing of the island chains across the IOR is another role that the IAF can accomplish through multilateral arrangements.

Suggested Measures for Joint Air Power Enhancement

From the examples of the IAF’s operations and engagements in the past, unique characteristics of air power and present capabilities, it shows that it is a seasoned air force with a strong doctrine to complete any task given to it with grit and commitment. The tasks that the IAF can undertake to promote India’s aerial diplomacy and should be encouraged to do so in the IOR are:

• The IAF can conduct Air-Passex in which only few aircraft shall do a cross-country ferry to a within range friendly IOR country’s airbase, interact with the hosting base staff and return same day or next day after turn around servicing.
• Transport fleet of the IAF is well equipped with modern aircraft capable of covering large distances across the IOR with equipment and materials required by the IOR neighbours in time of need or with troops when engaged in exercises. For example, the Cocos Keeling Island and Christmas Island (Australian dependencies) have 8000 feet and 7000 feet runways respectively and are fit for operations by all kinds of aircraft. They are located south of Indonesia and almost midway between India and Australia (Fig. 1). Distance between Port Blair and these islands is 2675 km and 2833 km respectively which can be covered easily by aircraft launched from Port Blair. Similarly, A&N Islands of India can be used by other friendly countries for same purpose. The IAF must engage other Eastern IOR countries on regular basis. Exercises with Thailand and Singapore are frequent, but interaction with Japanese Defence Forces has been limited to only once (Ex Shinyuu Maitri), which can be looked into. Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia and Taiwan are also important countries of ASEAN and options of interacting with their air forces in joint exercises may be looked into. Mutual cooperation-oriented air operations from these places for training, maritime surveillance or transit will dissuade the threats to the security of the region.



• If a belligerent China is to be seen through QUAD lens keeping relevance of air power in mind, then the balance of air power in numbers and quality is significantly in favour of the QUAD countries vis-à-vis China. Future technology investments will be required by all four nations, coupled with the imperative to demonstrate seamless integration through new battle management systems. Beijing is continuing to invest more in defence modernisation and is focussed on securing regional dominance through building a networked, precision strike capability and this shall be a matter of concern. Space battle management of the vast area of IOR shall be a key priority as well as retaining space superiority. India’s role in space development can provide IOR better connectivity and situational awareness. There is need of accelerating the development of hypersonic weapons, especially for anti-shipping and high-value targets. Successful test launch of extended range BrahMos II by Su-30 has made a significant impact. ^[12]
• More joint QUAD air exercises in the Indo-Pacific region are required to bolster interoperability. Invitation should be sent by India to UK, Israel, France, UAE and other likeminded countries as well. QUAD air exercises should be held preferably over the international waters and off the coast of prominent island territories (like Andaman and Nicobar Islands of India, Cocos and Christmas Island territories of Australia, Okinawa of Japan and Guam or Wake Islands of the US) making practical use of logistics agreements already in place. With more such exercises on bi-lateral or multi-lateral basis, participating countries with mutual interests can look into using air and space assets to cover specific maritime domain to do tasks of air patrolling, surveillance of the EEZs, HADR operations, protection against piracy, hijacking, appropriate actions against sea borne identified threats, providing immediate medical assistance etc. This will enhance interoperability and ensure assistance in any eventuality which can ultimately be a threat to peace and growth of the IOR.
• The QUAD could also use Western bases in Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) as emergence of I2U2 (India, Israel, UAE and the US) is also being named as western QUAD. Cross basing in other friendly countries like Egypt, Oman etc will ensure security of western IOR which holds utmost importance for India due to presence of Chinese funded Pakistani ports and other bases in African Region close to important choke points.

Conclusion

The complexities of current geo-political affairs spread across the globe are making it difficult to gauge the commotions in the IOR of future. India with its growing economy and consequent dependence on IOR cannot afford to remain land centric in terms of defence of its borders and shall not depend only on its overstretched Navy for securing this large maritime domain. For ensuring the security of the country and the IOR, active use of air power by IAF over vast maritime domain needs to be ingrained in military-diplomatic outreach of India. By innovative employment of the IAF and judicious use of unique characteristics of air power like mobility in third dimension, speed, reach, responsiveness and flexibility in most suitable ways, the aim of creating a secured environment around Indian maritime domain as well as around other friendly IOR nations can thus be achieved. This approach needs to recognise the criticality of international airspace over IOR and Indo-Pacific as important a global common as international waters and harness power of collaborative air power to preserve mutual strategic aims. History always has a lesson for future - “Airpower is and will remain key to security in high seas.”

References

^[1] Press Information Bureau, ‘Indian Air Force Ex Pitch Black 2024 at Darwin, Australia’, https://pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=2032522 accessed on 03 Oct 24
^[2] The RAAF, ‘Exercise Pitch Black participants’, https://www.airforce.gov.au/news-events/events/exercise-pitch-black/participants accessed on 04Oct 22
^[3] Jaishankar S, Foreword, Yogendra Kumar, ed. Whither Indian Ocean Maritime Order, Delhi, K W Publisher, 2017, p. 5.
^[4] Harsh Vardhan Shringla, ‘Foreign Secretary’s Introductory Remarks at the India-France-Japan Workshop on the Indo-Pacific’, https://mea.gov.in/Speeches-Statements.htm?dtl/33397/Foreign+Secretarys+Introductory+Remarks+at+the+IndiaFranceJapan+Workshop+ on+the+IndoPacific accessed on 08 Oct 2024.
^[5] Huma Siddiqui, ‘India’s concept of Indo-Pacific is inclusive and across oceans’, https://www.mea.gov.in/articles-in-indian-media.htm?dtl/32015/Indias_concept_of_IndoPacific_is_inclusive_and_across_oceans accessed on 09 Oct 2024.
^[6] Huma Siddiqui, ‘India to join 17 countries in Pitch Black 2022 Air combat exercise’, https://www.financialexpress.com/defence/india-to-join-17-countries-in-pitch-black-2022-air-combat-exercise/2616655/ accessed on 09 Oct 24.
^[7] Manjari Chatterjee Miller, Asia Program, The QUAD, AUKUS, and India’s Dilemmas,
https://www.cfr.org/article/QUAD-aukus-and-indias-dilemmas accessed on 10 Oct 2024.
^[8] Huma, ibid.
^[9] Akshobh Giridharadas,‘Why The AUKUS Helps The QUAD?’, https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/why-the-aukus-helps-the-QUAD/accessed on 10 Oct 2024.
^[10] Harsh Vardhan Shringla, ‘More and more countries now share India’s vision for the region’, https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/india-pacific-relations-QUAD-exercise-6982086/accessed on 10 Oct 2024.
^[11] Liam Garman, ‘Comment: Why Australia needs the B-21 Raider’,
https://australianaviation.com.au/2021/07/comment-why-australia-needs-the-b-21-raider/accessed on 10 Oct 2024
^[12] Anil Chopra, ‘QUAD – Significant Air Power’,
https://airpowerasia.com/2021/10/20/QUADsignificant-air-power/ accessed on 25 Oct 24.

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