On July 8, 1947, a privileged Brit, Cyril John Radcliffe, who had never set foot in India nor had the capacity to comprehend the complex Indian society, came to India and was tasked to draw lines on a political map that would partition India based on religion.^[1] The linguistic regions of Punjab in the northwest and Bengal in the east were divided on religious lines. This absurd bifurcation resulted in the creation of a new Muslim-majority country called Pakistan, comprising two culturally and geographically distinct regions of West Pakistan and East Pakistan.

In Punjab, these artificial lines drawn by Radcliffe aggravated the existing communal tensions. The threat to the lives of minorities resulted in the transfer of the population in the Punjab region. In March 1947, thousands of Hindus and Sikhs were killed and raped in the Rawalpindi Massacre.^[2] After August 1947, millions of Hindus and Sikhs were forcefully uprooted,^[3] and they had to leave their property and livelihood behind and come to India. Similarly, millions of Muslims from northern India were forced to move due to the simmering communal tensions and restart their lives from scratch.^[4] Unfortunately, these Muslims from India would be labeled as Mohajirs in Pakistan.^[5] Overall, the partition violence resulted in the death of close to 2 million people, and around 20 million people were uprooted.^[6] This movement of refugees into India from West Pakistan more or less ceased by 1950. But on the other side of the subcontinent, in West Bengal and the Northeast, the movement of the refugees from East Pakistan into India never stopped and still continues even after the creation of Bangladesh.^[7] The influx of minorities from East Pakistan into various states of India was a more long-drawn process.

In Bengal, the seed of communal distrust was sown almost a year before India’s independence in August 1946. On those horrid days, the Muslim League, led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, decided to take ‘direct action’ using general strikes and economic shutdown as a means to demand a separate Muslim country. While the intention of the Muslim League ‘might’ have been to protest peacefully. But in a so-called ‘peaceful rally’ of the Muslim League in Calcutta (now Kolkata) on 16th August 1946, a large number of people had come with various kinds of arms.

Hooligans brandishing Muslim League flags, guns, long daggers, rusted swords, lathis, and clubs, etc., went around the city implementing their nefarious plans.^[8] The violence in Calcutta lasted for almost a week and was known as the ‘Great Calcutta Killings.’ It was estimated that around 4,000 people were killed, and another 10,000 were injured in the communal carnage.^[9] Other sources stated that the death toll might have been closer to 10,000.^[10] A large number of dead bodies were thrown into the river Hooghly or in the canals that pass through the city or were pushed into manholes.^[11] The speed at which the violence spread across Calcutta makes one wonder whether it was planned. One also wonders if the Bengal government, led by Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy of the Muslim League, tacitly supported the riots.

East Bengal

A few months later, in October 1946, fresh riots broke out in the Noakhali region of Bengal (now in Bangladesh). Communal tensions between the economically weaker Muslim majority and the Hindu minority were soaring in Noakhali since the call for Direct Action Day in August 1946. Village poets and folk singers in the Noakhali region were composing anti-Hindu poems and rhymes, which they recited in marketplaces and other public gatherings to further add fuel to the brewing hatred towards the Hindus.^[12] The pogrom on Hindus began with a series of murders; abduction, molestation and rapes of Hindu women; forced conversion of Hindus; loot, arson and destruction of Hindu properties by Muslim League hooligans in the districts of Noakhali and Comilla in Chittagong Division.^[13] All these atrocious things continued for quite a few weeks without any kind of intervention from the Muslim League government in Bengal.

The communal riots in Noakhali resulted in 75,000 Hindus becoming refugees in temporary relief camps in Feni, Comilla, Chandpur and Agartala.^[14] Those who chose to stay back in their villages had to obtain permits from the Muslim League leaders to travel outside their village. A large number of Hindus were forced to convert to protect their family and property. These forcibly converted Hindus were coerced to give a written declaration that they had converted to Islam of their own free will.^[15] A report in ‘The Statesman’ newspaper stated that “In an area of about 200 sq miles, the inhabitants surrounded by riotous mobs are being massacred, their houses being burnt, their womenfolk being forcibly carried away and thousands being subjected to forcible conversion. Thousands of hooligans attacked the villages, compelled them (Hindus) to slaughter their cattle and eat. All places of worship in affected villages have been desecrated. The District Magistrate and the Police Superintendent of Noakhali took no step to prevent it."^[16] These events in Noakhali foreshadowed the systematic persecution that minorities would later endure in East Pakistan and, subsequently, in independent Bangladesh.

East Pakistan

The minority (non-Muslim) population in East Pakistan in the first population census in 1951 was around 23%.^[17] The new Pakistani government, following the footsteps of the erstwhile colonial masters, tried to divide the Hindu population in East Pakistan into two parts, namely, ‘Caste Hindus’ and ‘Scheduled Castes.’ In the past seventy-plus years, the number of Hindus in the country, which is now known as Bangladesh, has significantly gone down to just 8%.^[18] The political shifts and religious intolerance in Bangladesh have impacted not just the Hindus but also other communities. Along with the Hindus, other minorities like the Buddhists, Christians, Ahmadiyya Muslims, and indigenous populations have faced systematic state-sanctioned discrimination, religious violence, displacement, and economic marginalization, resulting in a dramatic decline in their numbers.

The first major exodus of East Pakistani Hindus happened because of the 1950 East Pakistan riots. The violence against Hindus started in the village of Kalshira in the Khulna district of East Pakistan on 20 December 1949. On that day, a composite force of armed police, the military and Ansars (a paramilitary auxiliary force) mercilessly attacked the inhabitants of Kalshira and several neighbouring areas mostly inhabited by Hindus.^[19] Muslims from neighbouring villages were encouraged to loot and burn the Hindu properties. After the violence and arson, only 3 out of the 350-plus homesteads in Kalshira survived.^[20] This was followed by the massacre of Hindus in Nachole in the Rajshahi district in January 1950 by the Pakistani army and bloodthirsty Ansars.^[21]

After these horrible state-sponsored events, incidents of violence, looting, rapes, forced conversion and arson spread out to Dacca (now Dhaka), Mymensingh, Barisal, Sylhet, Chittagong, and Santhahar of East Pakistan in February 1950. On 6th and 7th February 1950, Radio Pakistan, airing from Dacca, appealed to the Muslims with highly provocative announcements to take up arms against non-Muslims.^[22] The violent mob in Dacca looted Hindu shops and houses and set them on fire, and Hindus were killed in broad daylight.^[23] These events triggered the biggest exodus of Hindus from East Pakistan to India and almost paralyzed the administrative machinery of the state of West Bengal. Nearly 1.7 million Hindus fled to India between December 1949 and November 1950.^[24] Most of these refugees coming to India were impoverished, landless peasants. Another 2.1 million Hindu refugees arrived in West Bengal between 1950 and 1956.^[25] These figures stated in government records are not reliable, as they only account for those who registered themselves and were eventually dispatched to various refugee camps set up across India. Anecdotal evidence suggests that many more individuals likely crossed the international border and settled in various locations across the border districts of India in Murshidabad, Nadia, and 24-Parganas.^[26]

In 1956, Pakistan adopted its first of the many constitutions and declared itself the ‘Islamic Republic of Pakistan.’ The Hindu minority in Pakistan was now officially treated as second-class citizens. The state policy of Pakistan was either to convert the minorities or force them to leave.^[27] Due to the internal political strife in Pakistan, martial law was imposed in Pakistan on 7th October 1958, and General Ayub Khan came to power in Pakistan. The Hindu minority in East Pakistan was the prime victim of the military rule. The Pakistani military government believed that the Hindus were the primary force behind the language-based movement in East Pakistan. The military government arrested many Hindu leaders of East Pakistan and banned their political involvement.^[28]

In April 1962, the East Pakistani press published exaggerated figures of Muslim casualties in a communal riot in the neighbouring Malda district of India.^[29] This was followed by the broadcasting of false stories of atrocities on Muslims in India on Pakistan Radio, which further inflamed the situation in the Rajshahi district.^[30] In consequence, the Hindu minority in the Rajshahi district was attacked on 24th April 1962.^[31] An estimate suggests that more than 3,000 non-Muslims were killed in the Rajshahi district.^[32] The violence against minorities soon spread to Pabna, Bogra, Khulna, Rangpur and Mymensingh districts of East Pakistan.

In December 1963, the Moi-e-Muqqadas, a relic believed to be a strand of the Holy Prophet Muhammad’s beard, went missing from the Hazratbal mosque.^[33] Pakistan seized this incident and began a venomous campaign to incite the Muslims not only in Pakistan but in India as well. In Pakistan, the provocation by religious and political leaders and virulent reporting in the press included a call of ‘Jehad’ (Holy War against infidels).^[34] The ‘Dawn’ newspaper, dated January 1, 1964, published a news item under the heading ‘Unholy conspiracy to wipe out Muslim culture: India condemned for theft of relic.’^[35] This incitement was not only against the Government of India but also against the Hindus in Pakistan.

This unfortunate incident at the Hazratbal mosque created another storm for the Hindus in East Pakistan. The violence against Hindus spread across East Pakistan and lasted from January to March 1964. A key characteristic of these pogroms was their urban focus, with Hindu-owned industries and businesses being specifically targeted. Around 5,000 Hindus were killed in the Khulna district in January.^[36] In Dacca, Rajshahi, Sylhet, Mymensingh, Noakhali, Chittagong and other parts of East Pakistan, the astute Muslim religious leaders and politicians issued statements blaming Hindus for the theft of the Hazratbal relic and called for action against Hindus. Muslim mobs started targeting localities like Narayanganj, a business hub near Dacca with a significant Hindu population, including wealthy industrialists. Around 3,500 Hindus were killed, 300 Hindu women were abducted, and 31,000 Hindu dwellings were destroyed in the Narayanganj subdivision alone.^[37]

The violence also impacted other religious minorities in East Pakistan. More than 35,000 tribal Christians, mainly Garos, Hajongs, and Dalus from the Mymensingh District of East Pakistan, fled during the 1964 ethnic cleansing. These tribal communities took shelter in part of Assam, which is now the state of Meghalaya.^[38] Therefore, this series of violence across East Pakistan resulted in another major wave of migration of not only Hindus but also other minorities to India.

However, the floodgates at the porous international border with East Pakistan were blown away by refugees after the sadistic military leaders from West Pakistan launched Operation Searchlight in East Pakistan in late March 1971. About 90% of the refugees coming from East Pakistan in 1971 were Hindus. P. N. Dhar, a diplomat and the advisor to the then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, had closely monitored the developments in East Pakistan. He wrote, ‘…by driving out the Hindus in their millions, they (West Pakistanis) hoped to substantially reduce the political support that the Awami League enjoyed, as it was the 'wily Hindu' who was supposed to have misled simple Bengali Muslims into demanding autonomy. Additionally, with the Hindus gone, Bengal would lose its majority status vis-a-vis West Pakistan and not be in a position to challenge its dominance.’^[39]

Between March 1971 and December 1971, the Pakistani army checked for circumcision to identify Hindus and then mowed down millions of its own people. The Pakistani military apparatus used all kinds of weapons like guns, mortars, artillery, tanks, and even aeroplanes to exterminate Bengalis, particularly Hindus.^[40] The pattern of violence included selective killings of individuals, molestations and rapes of Hindu women and targeted attacks on localities in East Pakistan which were Hindu dominated.^[41] Learning from Hitler’s Jew Hunters from WWII, the Pakistani army painted big yellow “H” signs on the shops owned by Hindus in the streets of East Pakistan.^[42] The Pakistani soldiers systematically combed through almost every village, searching for Hindus. The properties of Bengali Hindus were confiscated and given or sold to non-Bengali Muslim loyalists who had migrated from India. The Enemy Property Act, later renamed the Vested Property Act, was used as a legal tool to dispossess Hindus of their land. The Pakistani army also gave large caches of weapons to Bihari Muslims to ensure that the Hindus are continuously targeted in their absence.^[43]

During the peak of the Liberation War, the shelling of Hindu villages by the Pakistani army was a common affair. The structures that remained standing in the villages after the indiscriminate shelling were burnt down. The villagers, who couldn’t run fast enough, were caught and thrown into the burning fires with their hands and feet tied.^[44] On 27th March 1971, the Pakistani army cordoned off areas in Old Dacca which were largely inhabited by the Hindu community, and set them on fire.^[45] The inhabitants who tried to escape from the fire were gunned down with the help of modern automatic weapons coming from the U.S. On September 18, 1971, around 40 to 50 bloodhound-Razakars helped the Pakistani army locate Krishnapur, a Hindu village in the Sylhet district. In the pious act that followed, the Pakistani army shot 127 Hindus, mostly male, and then raped the women of the village, competently assisted by the Razakars.^[46]

Overall, the Pakistani army was able to kill nearly 3 million Bengalis;^[47] a large section of them were Hindus, intellectuals and professionals. The Pakistani army spared the Bengali women from death and instead leisurely raped them for months. About 2,00,000 to 4,00,000 women were raped and sexually enslaved by the Pakistani army and the Razakars during the period of the liberation war. Dr. Geoffrey Davis, a physician who came to Bangladesh after its liberation from the diabolical Pakistani rule to work with rape victims, estimated that the commonly cited figure of 2,00,000 was probably "very conservative."^[48] Alilur Rahman, a freedom fighter from 1971, mentioned that he had seen torn sarees of Bengali women, broken glass bangles, and women’s undergarments scattered and abandoned in the war bunkers of the Pakistani soldiers.^[49]

Bangladesh

India’s direct military intervention in the liberation war in late November and December of 1971 resulted in the creation of a new nation called Bangladesh. This new nation was created for the Bengali language and its culture, irrespective of the religion. However, after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 15th August 1975, the process of Islamization of Bangladesh got booster shots. Hindus, Buddhists and other minorities had no peace and continued to face persecution at the hands of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, the Jamaat, and other fundamentalist and radical groups. The secular nature of the Bangladeshi constitution started waning under the dictatorial regime of General Ziaur Rahman in 1977.^[50] In 1988, under another military dictator called Lt. General Hussain Muhammad Ershad, Islam became the official religion of Bangladesh.^[51]

Hindu temples again became the primary targets of the radical elements in Bangladesh. In the 1989 Bangladesh riots, these empowered radical elements launched a series of attacks on the Bangladeshi Hindus between October and November 1989. This violence against Hindus in Bangladesh was triggered by the plans to construct a temple for Lord Ram in his birthplace in Ayodhya.^[52] The violent mob destroyed Hindu homes and businesses all across Bangladesh, and more than 400 Hindu temples were destroyed during the torrid times.^[53] Mob violence against Hindus was recorded in Chittagong, Barisal, Khulna and Comilla.^[54]

In October and November 1990, the communal tensions were stoked again by false rumours of the destruction of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya. Multiple Hindu temples across Bangladesh were attacked in response to the rumours, and their idols were vandalized.^[55] Kaibalyadham temple, the largest Hindu temple in Chittagong, was the worst affected in this series of violence. Thousands of Muslim radicals wielding knives and iron rods rampaged through the residential area around the Kaibalyadham temple at midnight and burned at least 300 houses.^[56]

The Foundation Against Continuing Terrorism (FACT) organized a photo exhibition at the Vivekananda International Foundation on 24th February 2025 titled ‘The Never-Ending Persecution of Minorities in Bangladesh.’ The photo exhibition aptly captured the destruction of places of worship of the minorities and the desecration of religious idols across Bangladesh.^[57] The exhibition provided an extensive list of temples that have been attacked by the radical elements in Bangladesh since its independence. These include temples like Lakshmi Gobinda Thakurbari temple, Kabirabari Kali temple (Gopalganj), Kaibolyadam temple (Chittagong), Dhakeshwari temple (Dhaka), Jagannathbari temple (Kalighat), and Mahalakshmi temple (Jainpur).

After the demolition of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya on 6th December 1992, the Islamists in Bangladesh launched a fresh series of attacks on the Hindus and other minorities in Bangladesh. On 7th December, the Dhakeshwari temple was attacked, and Hindu properties were looted by an armed Muslim mob. In a different place in Dhaka, about 5,000 Muslims armed with iron rods and bamboo sticks tried to break into the Bangabandhu National Stadium, which was hosting a cricket match between Bangladesh and India A. The match was abandoned, and the India A team comprising future legend Saurav Ganguly and other current and future international cricketers like Navjot Singh Sidhu, Vinod Kambli, Ajay Sharma, Nayan Mongia, Maninder Singh, Salil Ankola, Rajesh Chauhan, Prashant Vaidya and Abey Kuruvilla narrowly escaped from the violent mob.^[58] The violence continued till March 1993 in different parts of Bangladesh, resulting in the death of hundreds and the displacement of scores of people.

The minorities were attacked again across Bangladesh after the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Jamaat alliance won the general elections in 2001.^[59] The violence was initiated by supporters of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party in primarily Hindu-dominated areas such as Barisal, Bhola, Pirojpur, Shatkhira, Jessore, Khulna, Kushtiua, Jhenidah, Bagerhat, Feni, Tangail, Noakhali, Natore, Bogra, Sirajganj, Munshiganj, Narayanganj, Norsinghdi, Brahmanbaria, Gazipur and Chittagong.^[60] The south-western and southern parts of Bangladesh, popularly known as the 'Hindu belt', were the most affected region in the violence. More than 200 Hindu women were gang-raped^[61] and scores were abducted across Bangladesh.

Along with the Bangladeshi Hindus, the Pahari-Indigenous communities of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Buddhists, Christians and Ahmadiyya Muslims have faced systemic persecution and displacement. In Chittagong Hill Tracts, successive Bangladeshi governments have dispossessed the Pahari-Indigenous people of their ancestral lands and homes.^[62] Land that was traditionally owned by the tribal communities was given to Bengali Muslims to change the demography of the region. The Chakma groups have alleged that the Bangladeshi military has facilitated the influx of at least 5,00,000 Muslim settlers into the Chittagong Hill Tracts.^[63] Entire villages were reportedly annihilated, with massacres carried out in collaboration with armed forces and Muslim settlers. These actions have left the indigenous population marginalized, dispossessed, and vulnerable.

In September 2012, the Muslim mob destroyed 24 Buddhist temples and monasteries and 75 houses over allegations of a Facebook post by a Buddhist youth defaming the Quran in Ramu in Cox’s Bazar district.^[64] Later investigations revealed that the Facebook page with the anti-Islamic picture that instigated the rampage against the Buddhist community was photoshopped.^[65] This incident showed how well-organised and orchestrated the attack was on the Buddhist community. The violence in Ramu left many Buddhist families homeless and traumatized. Despite widespread international condemnation, justice for the victims remains elusive.^[66]

Although Christians account for only 0.3% of Bangladesh’s population,^[67] they have experienced increasing persecution, particularly those who have converted from Islam. Targeted attacks on Christians during Christmas celebrations are a common affair.^[68] Moreover, during every political and social upheaval in Bangladesh, religious minorities, including Christians, are targeted by the Islamic opportunists.^[69] One of the most devastating attacks occurred in Baniarchar, Gopalganj, on June 3, 2001, when a Catholic church was bombed during Sunday mass, killing 10 worshippers and injuring twenty others.^[70] The victims of the attacks still haven’t gotten justice from the impartial Bangladeshi judicial system. The attack on the Catholic Church was attributed to Islamist extremists seeking to eradicate Christian communities.

The radical Islamic groups in Bangladesh also target the Ahmadiyya Muslims, as they do not even consider the Ahmadiyya Muslims as fellow believers. Extremist groups in Bangladesh like Hefazat-e-Islam have continuously pressured the Bangladeshi Government to declare Ahmadiyyas as “non-Muslims.”^[71] The Jamaat-e-Islami is notorious for its attacks on the Muslim minority. Persecution against Ahmadiyyas intensified in the 1990s when Jamaat-e-Islami and other hardliner religious groups called for their expulsion. This led to increasing attacks on Ahmadiyya homes and mosques, with authorities often failing to intervene or siding with the aggressors. After the recent ousting of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the protestors attacked the Ahmadnagar Ahmadiyya mosque, Jalsa Gah, along with houses owned by Ahmadis.^[72] The state-sanctioned discrimination and societal violence have left the Ahmadiyya community in Bangladesh marginalized and at constant risk.

The economic exploitation of all minorities in Bangladesh was also guaranteed by the enforcement of acts like the Vested Property Act. This act, derived from the Enemy Property Act under the rule of Pakistan, resulted in the confiscation of land owned by minorities, particularly the Hindus in Bangladesh.^[73] This act has had a long-term impact on property rights and ownership among minorities in Bangladesh.

More recently, in August 2024, after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s ousting, the law-and-order situation worsened all across Bangladesh. The highly radicalized mob took advantage of the political chaos and started targeting the Hindus. Over 2,000 incidents of communal attacks on Hindus and other religious minorities were registered across Bangladesh in the month of August.^[74] The Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council stated that the majority of districts in Bangladesh had experienced communal violence during the so-called ‘Student’s movement.’^[75] The head of the interim government, Muhammad Yunus, tried to portray these attacks on Hindus and other religious minorities as a political issue rather than a communal issue.^[76] The members of the minority communities in Bangladesh were also forced to resign from their positions in government jobs and institutions.^[77] The mob also extended their generous wrath towards the businesses, properties and places of worship of the minorities.^[78] Bangladeshi Hindu businessmen were also asked to pay protection money.^[79]

Conclusion

The ongoing persecution of minorities in Bangladesh by the radical Islamic elements and the blind or highly biased Bangladeshi government reflects a deeply rooted cycle of intolerance and systemic discrimination. The minorities in Bangladesh, particularly the Hindu community, have become the scapegoats during societal and political upheavals in the country. With each political shift and period of unrest, ethnic and religious minorities face heightened threats. The repeated episodes of violence—whether against Hindus in 1946-47, 1962, 1964, 1971, 1990, 1992, 2001, 2013, and 2024, or against Buddhists, Christians, and Ahmadiyyas—underscore a disturbing pattern of oppression.

As Bangladesh continues to grow more homogeneous, the erosion of its once-diverse religious and cultural landscape raises grave concerns about human rights and religious pluralism. The steady decline in minority populations, particularly the Hindus, signals not only a humanitarian crisis but also the loss of a rich heritage that once defined Bengal. Bangladesh is blindly following in the footsteps of the failed state of Pakistan when it comes to protecting the rights of the minorities. Without meaningful reforms, legal protections, and genuine political will, the future of these communities in Bangladesh remains bleak.

International pressure, diplomatic interventions, and internal advocacy are essential in reversing this trajectory. The world must not turn a blind eye to the plight of Bangladesh’s minorities, for their suffering serves as a stark reminder of the devastating consequences of unchecked religious intolerance and state-sanctioned discrimination. If left unaddressed, Bangladesh risks not only its reputation but also its moral and cultural integrity, as the voices of its minority communities are silenced forever.

References

^[1] Mahesh, Supraja. “How a man who had never visited India got the task of 'drawing' lines of Partition.” The New Indian Express, August 20, 2020. https://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2020/Aug/15/how-a-man-who-had-never-visited-india-got-the-task-of-drawing-lines-of-partition-2183402.html
^[2] Butalia, Urvashi. "Community, State and Gender: Some Reflections on the Partition of India," in Mushirul Hasan (ed.), Inventing Boundaries: Gender, Politics and the Partition of India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press,2000. pp. 183.
^[3] Kosinski, L. A. and K. M. Elahi. Population Redistribution and Development in South Asia. Dordrecht/Boston/Lancester: D. Reidel Publishing Company, 2012. pp. 6.
^[4] Ibid, pp. 6.
^[5] Suleman, Aalia. “Don’t label me Mohajir.” The Express Tribune, February 11, 2014. https://tribune.com.pk/article/20715/dont-label-me-mohajir
^[6] Shankar, Vivek. “India’s Partition: A History in Photos.” The New York Times, August 14, 2022. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/14/world/asia/india-partition-history-photos.html
^[7] Chandra, Satish. “Persecution of Hindus in Bangladesh.” Vivekananda International Foundation, February 25, 2025. https://www.vifindia.org/article/2025/february/25/Persecution-of-Hindus-in-Bangladesh
^[8] Mitra, Asok. “The Great Calcutta Killings of 1946: What went before and after” in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 25, No. 5 (Feb. 3, 1990). pp. 281.
^[9] Sarkar, Tanika and Shekhar Bandyopadhyay. Calcutta: The Stormy Decades. London and New York: Taylor and Francis, Routledge, 2017. pp. 8.
^[10] “Remembering 1946 Calcutta Killings and Gopal Patha who earned fame, infamy.” India Today, August 16, 2023. https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/calcutta-killings-1946-gopal-mukherjee-patha-saved-hindus-riots-muslim-league-direct-action-day-2421858-2023-08-16
^[11] Roy, Tathagata. A Suppressed Chapter in History: The Exodus of Hindus from East Pakistan and Bangladesh, 1947-2006. Bookwell Publications, 2007. pp. 105.
^[12] Mukherjee, Kali P.দেশবিভাজনেরঅন্তরালে [Behind the Partition of the Country].Kolkata, Vivekananda Sahitya Kendra.pp. 36.

^[13] Ghosh, Biswaroop. “Religion and Politics in Bengal: The Noakhali Carnage 1946-47.” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Vol. 72, Part-I (2011). pp 936.
^[14] Ibid, pp. 938.
^[15] Ibid, pp. 938.
^[16] Ibid, pp. 945.
^[17] Nomani, H. H. Census of Pakistan, 1951. Volume 3, East Bengal, Reports & Tables, Published by the Manager of Publications, Government of Pakistan, Karachi. pp. 264.
^[18] 2023 Report on International Religious Freedom: Bangladesh, U.S. Department of State
^[19] Ray, Jayanta Kumar. Democracy and Nationalism on Trial: A Study of East Pakistan. Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1968. pp. 33.
^[20] Roy, Tathagata. Appendix: Letter of Resignation of Jogendra Nath Mandal, 8 October 1950, Minister of Law and Labour, Government of Pakistan, My People, Uprooted: The Exodus of Hindus from East Pakistan and Bangladesh. Kolkata: Ratna Prakashan.pp. 363.
^[21] Panjabi, Kavita. “Otiter Jed or Times of Revolution: Ila Mitra, the Santals and Tebhaga Movement.”Economic & Political Weekly, August 14, 2010. https://www.epw.in/journal/2010/33/special-articles/otiter-jed-or-times-revolution-ila-mitra-santals-and-tebhaga
^[22] Ray, Jayanta Kumar. Democracy and Nationalism on Trial: A Study of East Pakistan. Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1968. pp. 34.
^[23] Roy, Tathagata. My People, Uprooted: The Exodus of Hindus from East Pakistan and Bangladesh. Kolkata: Ratna Prakashan.pp. 363.
^[24] Ghosh, Subhajit. “The Sordid Saga of Partition:Forced Migration from East Pakistan to West Bengal,” The International Journal of Humanities & Social Studies. Volume 3, Issue 7, July 2015. pp. 361.
^[25] Bandyopadhyay, Sekhar and Anasua Basu Ray Chaudhury. In Search of Space: The Scheduled Caste Movement in West Bengal after Partition. Policies and Practices, Vol. 59, Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group, February 2014. pp. 4.
^[26] Ibid, pp. 5.
^[27] Bhattacharyya, S. K.Genocide in East Pakistan/Bangladesh: A Horror Story. Houston: A. Ghosh (Publisher), 1987. pp. 89.
^[28] Ghosh, Subhajit. “The Sordid Saga of Partition:Forced Migration from East Pakistan to West Bengal,” The International Journal of Humanities & Social Studies. Volume 3, Issue 7, July 2015. pp. 362.
^[29] “Earlier Communal Disturbances.” Keesing's Contemporary Archives, July 18-25, 1964. pp. 20186.https://web.stanford.edu/group/tomzgroup/pmwiki/uploads/1310-1962-xx-xx-KS-a-JZW.pdf
^[30] Ray, Jayanta Kumar. Democracy and Nationalism on Trial: A Study of East Pakistan. Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1968. pp. 216.
^[31] “Earlier Communal Disturbances.” Keesing's Contemporary Archives, July 18-25, 1964. pp. 20186. https://web.stanford.edu/group/tomzgroup/pmwiki/uploads/1310-1962-xx-xx-KS-a-JZW.pdf
^[32] Lahiry, Pravash Chandra. India Partitioned and Minorities in Pakistan. Writer's Forum, 1964.pp. 54–55.
^[33] “Hanging by the Relic.” Kashmir Life, July 7, 2014. https://kashmirlife.net/hanging-by-the-relic-issue18-vol06-61615/
^[34] Indian Commission of Jurists, Recurrent Exodus of Minorities from East Pakistan and Disturbances in India: A Report to the Indian Commission of Jurists by Its Committee of Enquiry. New Delhi: Indian Commission of Jurists, 1965.pp. 22.
^[35] Ibid, pp. 24.
^[36] Mazumdar, Jaideep. “Remembering 5 January, 1964: The Beginning of a Genocide in East Pakistan.” Swarajya, January 5, 2024. https://swarajyamag.com/commentary/remembering-january-5-1964-the-beginning-of-a-genocide-in-east-pakistan
^[37] Bhattacharyya, S. K. Genocide in East Pakistan/Bangladesh: A Horror Story. Houston: A. Ghosh (Publisher), 1987. pp. 96.
^[38] Ibid, pp. 108.
^[39] Ganguly, Anirban. From Partition to Progress: Persecuted Hindus and the Struggle for Citizenship. Noida: Ink, 2024.pp. 5-6.
^[40] Bass, Gary J. The Blood Telegram: India's Secret War in East Pakistan. Noida: Random House India, 2013.
^[41] Ganguly, Anirban. From Partition to Progress: Persecuted Hindus and the Struggle for Citizenship. Noida: Ink, 2024. pp. 8.
^[42] Schanberg, Sydney H. “Hindus are targets of Army Terror in an East Pakistani town.”The New York Times, July 4, 1971. https://www.nytimes.com/1971/07/04/archives/hindus-are-targets-of-army-terror-in-an-east-pakistani-town.html
^[43] Ibid.
^[44] Schanberg, Sydney H. “Bengali Refugees say soldiers continue to kill, loot and burn.” The New York Times, September 23, 1971.
https://www.nytimes.com/1971/09/23/archives/bengali-refugees-say-soldiers-continue-to-kill-loot-and-burn.html
^[45] Ganguly, Anirban. From Partition to Progress: Persecuted Hindus and the Struggle for Citizenship. Noida: Ink, 2024. pp. 12.
^[46] Dulal, Zia uddin. “কৃষ্ণপুর গণহত্যা দিবস ১৮ সেপ্টেম্বর” Banglanews24.com, September 18, 2012.
https://archive.ph/20130215133523/http://www.banglanews24.com/detailsnews.php?nssl=9c2df163c36e670055016a9201e844d2&nttl=20120918042641139583
^[47] Mukul, Sushim. “Blood telegrams on genocide of Hindus in Bangladesh, and how US turned blind eye.” India Today, August 10, 2024. https://www.indiatoday.in/history-of-it/story/bangladesh-political-crisis-archer-blood-telegrams-bengali-hindus-genocide-1971-nixon-kissinger-india-2579578-2024-08-09
^[48] Falguni, Audity. “Ravished women of 1971: For whom the bell tolls.” The Daily Star, December 16, 2013. https://www.thedailystar.net/news/ravished-women-of-1971-for-whom-the-bell-tolls
^[49] Ibid.

^[50] Chowdhury, Prasenjit. “Persecution’ of minorities: Bangladesh govt ambivalent on secularism.” Deccan Herald, December 9, 2024. https://www.deccanherald.com/opinion/persecution-of-minorities-bangladesh-govt-ambivalent-on-secularism-3309031
^[51] Brown, Derek. “General Hussain Muhammad Ershad obituary.” The Guardian, July 14, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jul/14/general-hussain-muhammad-ershad-obituary
^[52] “50 reported injured during riots over Indian Temple.” Associate Press News, November 18, 1989.
https://web.archive.org/web/20200830121106/https://apnews.com/9914e0d706d2906024c5d6f8c904ac55
^[53] Ghosh Dastidar, Sachi. Empire's Last Casualty: Indian Subcontinent's vanishing Hindu and other Minorities. Kolkata: Firma KLM. pp. 201.
^[54] Kamra, A.J. (2000). The Prolonged Partition and its Pogroms: Testimonies on Violence Against Hindus in East Bengal 1946-64. New Delhi: Voice of India. pp. 215.
^[55] Mansoor, Osman Ghani. “Moslems Attack Hindu Temples in Bangladesh with PM-India.” Associate Press News, October 31, 1990.
https://web.archive.org/web/20200830173555/https://apnews.com/13fb4612b61af36933facca1c0744af9
^[56] Ibid.
^[57] “VIF hosts events highlighting 'persecution of minorities' in Bangladesh.” Deccan Herald, February 24, 2025. https://www.deccanherald.com/india/vif-hosts-events-highlighting-persecution-of-minorities-in-bangladesh-3419714
^[58] "Bangladesh v India 'A' at Dhaka, 7 Dec 1992." cricinfo.com. Wisden CricInfo. https://static.espncricinfo.com/db/ARCHIVE/1992-93/OD_TOURNEYS/SAARC/BDESH_IND-A_SAARC_07DEC1992.html
^[59] “Minorities targeted in Bangladesh political violence.” The New Humanitarian, January 31, 2014. https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/analysis/2014/01/31/minorities-targeted-bangladesh-political-violence
^[60] Fazal, Tanweer. Minority Nationalisms in South Asia. Routledge, 2013. pp. 133.
^[61] “Eleven sentenced to life for Bangladesh gang rape.” BBC News, May 4, 2011. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-south-asia-13277465
^[62] “Pushed to the Edge: Indigenous rights denied in Bangladesh’s Chittagong Hill Tracts.” Amnesty International, June 12, 2013.
https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa13/005/2013/en/#:~:text=More%20than%2015%20years%20after,was%20in%20fact%20once%20theirs.
^[63] Bhattacherjee, Kallol. “Rights group allege Bangladesh Army was inactive while indigenous people attacked in CHT.” The Hindu, September 20, 2024. https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/rights-group-allege-bangladesh-army-was-inactive-while-indigenous-people-attacked-in-cht/article68660840.ece
^[64] Sarkar, Ashutosh. “Violence in Ramu: 12 years on, justice remains elusive.” The Daily Star, September 29, 2024. https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/violence-ramu-12-years-justice-remains-elusive-3714956
^[65] Ahmed, Inam and Shakhawat Liton. “Ramu Violence: In the shadow of what we don’t know.” The Business Standard, September 28, 2019. https://www.tbsnews.net/bangladesh/crime/ramu-violence-shadow-what-we-dont-know-14187
^[66] Sarkar, Ashutosh. “Violence in Ramu: 12 years on, justice remains elusive.” The Daily Star, September 29, 2024. https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/violence-ramu-12-years-justice-remains-elusive-3714956
^[67] "Census 2022: Bangladesh population now 165 million." Dhaka Tribune. July 27, 2022. https://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/274863/census-2022-bangladesh-population-now-165-million
^[68] Tasmin, Ahsan. “17 houses of Christians set on fire in Bangladesh on Xmas eve.” The Times of India, December 27, 2024. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/south-asia/17-houses-of-christians-set-on-fire-in-bangladesh-on-xmas-eve/articleshow/116697008.cms
^[69] ““Drive out the Christians from Bangladesh” – the hidden impact of the country’s ongoing crisis.” Open Doors, August 21, 2024. https://www.opendoorsuk.org/news/latest-news/bangladesh-unrest-christians/
^[70] Corraya, Sumon. "Comemorating attack on Banirchor Church, Catholics demand justice." Prime Asia News. June 4, 2021. https://www.asianews.it/news-en/Comemorating-attack-on-Banirchor-Church,-Catholics-demand-justice-53327.html
^[71] Bajwa, Muzaffar Ahmad Noori. “Ahmadis in Bangladesh face fresh threat of persecution.” The Eastern Herald, February 9, 2019. https://easternherald.com/2019/02/09/ahmadis-in-bangladesh-face-fresh-threat-of-persecution/
^[72] Ramakrishnan, Manoj. “ ‘Ahmadiyya Sect targeted in Bangladesh violence.’ The Free Press Journal, August 16, 2024. https://www.freepressjournal.in/mumbai/ahmadiyya-sect-targeted-in-bangladesh-violence-says-mumbai-community
^[73] "World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples – Bangladesh: Hindus". UNHCR. May 2, 2012.
^[74] “Over 2,000 communal attacks on Hindus and other religious minorities in Bangladesh between 4 and 20 August: Minority Rights Group.” Swarajya, September 21, 2024. https://swarajyamag.com/news-brief/over-2000-communal-attacks-on-hindus-and-other-religious-minorities-in-bangladesh-between-4-and-20-august-minority-rights-group
^[75] “Hundreds protest in Dhaka over violence against Hindus in Bangladesh.” Reuters, August 9 2024. https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/hundreds-protest-dhaka-over-violence-against-hindus-bangladesh-2024-08-09/
^[76] “Attacks on Hindus in Bangladesh not communal, issue 'exaggerated': Muhammad Yunus.” The Hindu, September 5, 2024. https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/attacks-on-hindus-in-bangladesh-not-communal-issue-exaggerated-muhammad-yunus/article68608994.ece
^[77] “49 minority teachers in Bangladesh forced to resign.” The Tribune, September 1, 2024. https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/india/49-minority-teachers-in-bangladesh-forced-to-resign/
^[78] “Ruma Paul and Krishna N. Das, ‘Hindu homes, temples targeted in Bangladesh after Hasina ouster, minority group says.” Reuters, August 6 2024. https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/hindu-homes-temples-targeted-bangladesh-after-hasina-ouster-minority-group-says-2024-08-06/
^[79] “Hindus in Bangladesh try to flee to India amid violence.” Arab News, November 12, 2024. https://www.arabnews.com/node/2564936/world

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