Abstract

Western scholars and thinkers have dominated the field of international relations. Be it the study of world affairs or regional affairs, western perspectives have paved the way for their understanding. This paper looks beyond the narrow West-centric models of studying international politics. It examines South Asia from an indigenous lens and considers Swami Vivekananda's thoughts to study the region of South Asia. For simplification, since most of the ideas of Swami Vivekananda were drawn from Hinduism, this paper draws particular attention to similar religious principles in South Asia, the philosophy of Vedanta, and the importance of foundational roots in reuniting the hitherto most fragmented region of the world. The purpose of the paper is not just to engage with a South Asian philosopher in deepening our understanding of the region to emphasise the importance of non-Western International Relations, but also the paper seeks to provide a way forward to foster cooperation among states of South Asia.

Introduction

The discipline of International Relations is an American social science construct due to the intellectual predispositions, political circumstances, and institutional opportunities present only in the United States of America during the Second World War period (Hoffmann, 1977). Thucydides, Kant and Morgenthau have been understood as forefathers of the discipline (Schmidt, 2002). Hobbes' theories about the state being anarchic and lawless have also been widely adopted by Western academics. People have long understood and adhered to the notion that the world is anarchic. There is a perpetual struggle for supremacy, and conflicts are waged and prevail in order to preserve one's superiority and the equilibrium of power. Another way to accomplish the realism goals of the state is through international cooperation. These Western concepts—namely, power, fear, trust, cooperation for and self-interest, and identity—inevitably gave rise to international relations.

Western paradigms even dominate the study of regionalism in South Asia (Chakma, 2009; Shukla, 2021), terming it as a region bound by innumerable limitations. Don McLain Gill notes that one major challenge to South Asian regional cooperation is the region's power asymmetry and power imbalance. This has led to tension, mistrust, and a lack of openness among states (Gill,2020). Other realists argue that the region is characterised by instability, with inter-state conflicts unending (Ganguly, 2019) over common river resource sharing and river water disputes (Gordon, 1993). Environmental dilapidation of one country by another country, as in the case of India’s withdrawal of river waters, affecting Bangladesh’s food production, is also one of the causes of structural tensions within South Asia (Gaan, 2001, as cited in Chakma, 2009). This prevents South Asia from becoming a peaceful region and limits the scope for any multilateral cooperation.

Liberalism, another Western approach, contends that economic cooperation between India and Pakistan would have spillover effects across the region (Sridharan, 2005). C. Rajamohan also emphasised the importance of cooperative security in easing strained ties in the region in the post-Cold War era (Chakma, 2009). Some have even contended that the animosity between the two nations is not absolute. Rather, their relationship has seen extensive, low-key cooperation in all issue areas, including nuclear weapons and Kashmir (Kumar, 1995). The utilitarian ideas of self-interest and power accumulation drive the encouragement towards cooperation. Despite this nudge, all these hypotheses have been nullified due to the perennially strained ties among the nations in the region. Since SAARC has remained defunct since 2016, theories like liberal internationalism have also failed to foster cooperation in the region.

The notions of harmony, faith, unity, and oneness have been disregarded and mocked away by academics in their never-ending quest to fit their knowledge of South Asia into a Western paradigm. The South Asian region is also characterised by a reluctance of states to form a collective identity. The region's states are less focussed on what they are and more on what they are not. India’s neighbour, Pakistan, desperately tries not to be India. Similarly, India has repeatedly contended that it is not Pakistan (Nandy, 2006). Within the region, this has caused fierce rivalry and conflict. Swami Vivekananda's views on religion and humanity in such a situation, when things seem bleak, may provide a bright spot for reviving and strengthening ties between South Asian nations.

Born in Kolkata, India, Swami Vivekananda was a renowned disciple of Sri Ramakrishna. He was known as Narendra Nath Dutta before entering the monastery. When he met Sri Ramakrishna, the saint of Dakshineshwar, he was an athletic young man with a modern education. With his soft touch, Vivekananda became a renowned preacher and monk who travelled the world, spreading the teachings of ancient India. According to Vivekananda (2013), he is also recognised for having played a significant role in bringing yoga and Vedanta to the West and elevating Hinduism to the status of a global religion. His teachings have served as a beacon of hope and a wellspring of morality and reason. His perspective is distinct from everyone else's, emphasising religion, Vedanta, customs, tolerance, and acceptance for all. He differs from most of his Western contemporaries and scholars in this way.

This paper recognises the importance of religiosity in the member states of South Asia as one of the important factors in the politics of the region. It gives us a good idea of how religion, hitherto considered a divisive force, could bind the countries together. The other factor taken into consideration is Vedanta's philosophy. Without it, no analysis of Vivekananda’s thoughts would have been fruitful. The last factor given primacy in this article is the relevance of the traditional and foundational roots of the regions. Acknowledging the roots would give firm stability to the region and align countries with common goals and objectives. These factors help realise the reasons for the disintegration of South Asia, and at the same time, they help rebuild the region. Thus, the paper aims two-fold: to build an alternative, non-Western lens to view regionalism in South Asia and provide a normative guide to rebuilding cooperation in the region, taking into account India’s sphere of influence. As Muni and Muni (1984) noted, there is a bit of India in every country of South Asia, and the South Asian neighbours of India have only one thing in common, and that is India.

Religiosity in South Asia

In South Asia, religion has always been an integral aspect of the state. Though the ideas of secularism from the West have made their way into the region, religion has not been completely rejected. Every country, in some way or another, gives primacy to religion. The Sri Lankan Constitution mandates the government to safeguard Buddhism, which it regards as having the "foremost place" among the nation's religious faiths. According to a 2003 Supreme Court decision, though Buddhism is not acknowledged as the official state religion, other religions do not enjoy the same constitutional right to state protection as Buddhism (www.state.gov, n.d.). As also stated in the 2008 constitution of Bhutan, Buddhism "promotes the principles and values of peace, non-violence, compassion, and tolerance," making it recognised as part of the country’s "spiritual heritage". Although the Bhutanese Constitution protects religious freedom, Buddhism is acknowledged as the nation's spiritual legacy. (Jansen, 2022).

According to a 2014 survey, 93% of Nepali participants said religion played a significant role in their daily lives. Even though the monarchy in Nepal is no longer absolute, some people may still view the King of Nepal as an incarnation of the Hindu god Vishnu (Evason, 2017).

In the case of Pakistan, the aspiration of Indian Muslims to uphold and promote Islamic principles served as an impetus for the formation of the nation-state. Following its recognition as an Islamic Republic on March 23, 1956, Pakistan has tried to include Islamic principles in its daily operations (Choudhury, 1957). Similarly, Islam is recognised as the country's official religion in Afghanistan and the Maldives. Following their liberation, Bangladesh's leaders made an effort to downplay religion. But after a few years, Islam returned and became a powerful force in society (Huque & Akhter, 1987).

Though India is constitutionally secular and religiously diverse, its polity is influenced by religious considerations. According to a study by the Pew Research Center, more than eighty-four per cent of Indians believe that respecting all religions is essential to being "truly Indian." Indians also agree (80%) that a key component of what it means to be a part of one's own religious community is to respect the beliefs of others. The study also found that eighty-one per cent of Indians believed that it is extremely/somewhat important for the leader of the nation to defend those who share their religious views (The Indian Express, 2024).

Likewise, the concepts of religion and India were integral to Swami Vivekananda's thinking. In his view, religion played a crucial role in our daily existence. All citizens of the nation have an unwavering awareness of their religion despite being illiterate and ignorant of current events. Their religious identity is deeply ingrained in them. According to Vivekananda (2013), religion comes first in the Indian mind, followed by everything else. This is essentially the case for other South Asian countries as well.

In the West, where unity was based on political ideas, in the East, society was bound by religion. Vivekananda believed that all religions have certain fundamental principles that could serve as a compass for regional unity, but he did not advocate for everyone to adhere to one particular religion when he used religion as a source of unity (Vivekananda, 2013). Kofi Annon stated, highlighting the religious similarities, that all the major religions and traditions overlap in the fundamental principles of human conduct: charity, justice, compassion, mutual respect, and the equality of human beings in the sight of God. Because of this, states from all over the world, representing a wide range of religious and cultural traditions, have been able to support the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other, more in-depth international agreements that stem from it (press.un.org, 1999). The key to achieving peace and harmony in the world may lie in tolerance and acceptance of all religions. However, it is also imperative to combat the divisive and fundamentalist agenda that serves the deeply ingrained interests of the orthodoxies in every society, including politicians and priests who profit from social stagnation. Therefore, there needs to be more emphasis on humanistic interpretations of religion.

South Asian nations have repeatedly attempted to stifle any chance of religious harmony, in stark contrast to the widely held ideals of Swami Vivekananda. The two-nation theory, which celebrated the distrust and lack of cooperation between Muslims and Hindus, led to the creation of Pakistan. Even after seventy-five years of partition, this is still evident in the bilateral ties between the two countries.

Every time there is ignorance and a lack of knowledge, conflicts and disputes typically arise. According to Vivekananda (2013), all good stems from faith in equality, in the sameness and oneness of things, while all evil originates from reliance on differences. South Asian states would be better able to view one another with trust and foster amicable ties if they acknowledge and accept similar religious principles. In this regard, India could foster goodwill among its neighbours by utilising the diversity of its religious cultures. According to a study (Pew Research Center, 2015), India is home to one of the world’s largest Muslim populations, surpassed only by Indonesia, which had 209 million (20.9 crore) Muslims in 2010. About 94% of the world’s Hindus live in India, which, along with Nepal, is one of only two countries with a Hindu majority. Buddhism has its roots in India, and the Indian Government is even trying to promote Buddhist spiritual tourism (NITI Aayog, 2022).

Tolerance and universal acceptance in the country for all religions would portray India as a friend to the world. They would also brush off the religious differences that India currently has with its neighbours.

Philosophy of Vedanta

The word Vedanta means the end of the Vedas, the Vedas being the scriptures of the Hindus. Each and every one of our commentators uses a Vedic quotation when quoting a passage from the scriptures. Both the Karma Kanda and the Gyaana Kanda comprise the two sections of all the Vedas. Many sacrifices and rituals are included in the Karma Kanda, most of which are no longer used in modern times. Sages have traditionally recognised the Gyana Kanda as the supreme authority because it embodies the spiritual teachings of the Vedas, also known as the Upanishads and the Vedanta. Advaitism in India, qualified monism, and dualism are all discussed. According to CSLUB (n.d.), Vedanta is an authoritative source from which even Buddhists and Jains have taken some concepts.

This eventually forms the idea of oneness of existence. Another version of the same thought was also narrated by Vivekananda in his speech in Chicago in 1893, “As the different streams having their sources in different paths which men take through different tendencies, various though they appear, crooked or straight, all lead to Thee.”

Vedanta is the philosophical foundation of Hinduism. While Hinduism draws on elements of Indian culture, Vedanta applies equally to all nations, cultures, and religious backgrounds. All religions are harmonious; the soul is divine, and existence is one, according to Vedanta (VSSC, 2016). Vedanta claims that its principle, man is divine; that is, all this we see around us is the outcome of that consciousness of the divine, and it is found in all religions worldwide. The Vedanta does not quarrel with those who do not understand this divinity of man. Consciously or unconsciously, every man is trying to unfold that divinity. Western IR gives primacy to the state's individuality by considering a state’s interest as omnipotent, while Vivekananda’s Non-Western perspective holds onto this consciousness of the oneness among states to foster harmony among states.

Vivekananda talked about Vedanta's purpose while he was in Kumbhakonam. He stated that Vedanta teaches that we are not only brothers but also one and that the infinite oneness of the soul is the eternal sanction of all morality. All forms of Vedanta hold that the soul possesses inherent perfection, strength, and purity (Vivekananda, 2013). In accordance with the Vedanta concept of reexamining collaboration in South Asia, "Unity in Variety" may develop in the area.

The nation-states' unity and fraternity can help achieve this goal. This might be accomplished by locating connections that straddle the borders of the states that make up South Asia. With the exception of a few small waterways connecting Sri Lanka and the Maldives to India, South Asia is a single, geographically connected landmass. Subsequently, the nations in the area underwent comparable, if not exact, historical development processes. For example, although Nepal and Bhutan were officially free from colonial rule, they were unable to avoid the majority of the negative effects and consequences of the colonial system, which also affected India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives. The nations in the area have also historically had close ties to one another regarding language, customs, race, religion, and ethnicity. They have coexisted for centuries, sharing similar cultural values, philosophies, and lifestyle norms (Muni & Muni, 1984).

A lack of awareness of these commonalities causes problems in South Asia. The root cause of bondage is ignorance. Pakistani scholars have fostered a systematic bias against Hindus in school textbooks. Nonetheless, they have failed to note the unequal emphasis in the same texts on the history of the area currently known as India, to the detriment of the history of the area now known as Pakistan. Children in Pakistan are taught a skewed history, primarily that of India (Nandy, 2006). Peace between the South Asian states appears to be a difficult endeavour because they are insecure in relation to other states (Muni & Muni, 1984).

Vivekananda emphasises that derogatory remarks, denigration, and abuse of any kind can never lead to positive results. History has shown time and again that only through love, peace, and sympathy can good things come of (Vivekananda, 2013). This perspective suggests that social similarities, cultural proximity, and ties across civilisations could be transformative. This would result in a drastic change that gets to the core of the problem.

The awareness of solidarity and the knowledge of oneness among the South Asian states can eventually integrate the region of South Asia. The common culture that binds the South Asian region could help enhance cooperation in the region. The SAARC Charter Preamble states, “Conscious that in an increasingly interdependent world, the objectives of peace, freedom, social justice and economic prosperity are best achieved in the South Asian region by fostering mutual understanding, good neighbourly relations and meaningful cooperation among the Member States which are bound by ties of history and culture.” The implementation of this guideline could unite the fractured region. India could utilise its influence in the region to make the countries aware of their civilisational ties and ethnic similarities. However, India should be vigilant enough not to impose the Akhand Bharat ideology on its neighbours, which has often turned out to be problematic and condescending (Raja Mohan, 2022). Since Vedanta believes in the unity of oneness, its ideas would also counter the hegemonic allegations against India’s dominance.

Importance of Foundational Roots

Swami Vivekananda addressed two major impediments to India's advancement: the Charybdis of contemporary European civilisation and the Scylla of antiquated orthodoxy. If given the option, he would vote against the Europeanized system and in favour of old orthodoxy because, despite his ignorance, the old orthodox man is still a man who is strong, has faith, and can stand on his own two feet. In contrast, the Europeanized man lacks a backbone and is just a collection of disparate ideas that he has randomly taken from various sources. These ideas are also unassimilated, undigested, and disjointed (Vivekananda, 2013). Vivekananda became enraged and as a result, opposed Western materialism. He thought that man's consciousness would perish because of his attachment to material culture. He criticised the blind imitation of the West.

However, it must be noted that Vivekananda is referring to the Greek myth of Scylla and Charybdis to caution against blind Westernization and Orthodoxy. Orthodoxy should only be chosen in the event of a forced decision. However, that isn't the initial option. The decision is to take the middle route. Pakistan's national boat has been ripped by Scylla for dabbling in orthodoxy. Afghanistan is following the same path. As Qutb's writings make clear, Islamic terrorism is the result of a crude desire to return to orthodoxy. The world has been worried that orthodoxy is resurfacing in India and could turn back the clock for the country. Even Vivekananda himself indicated the middle route. Therefore, tradition is fine; orthodoxy is avoidable.

Nonetheless, reading his criticism as an outright denial of Western culture would be incorrect. He urged Indians to be motivated by Western scientific and technological advancements, which united people and fostered a sense of community (Vivekananda, 2013). India has successfully launched its first-ever South Asia Satellite (SAS) to improve communication and disaster links with its six neighbours. This has "opened up new horizons of engagement" and helped the nation carve out a unique niche for itself in space diplomacy. The 2,230-kg communication spacecraft has a 12-year mission life and will facilitate effective Internet services, broadcasting, and communication in a region that is challenging to reach geographically, economically, and technologically (Venkatasubramanian, 2017). However, too much reliance on the west for material growth could be harmful. It could lead to neglecting the welfare of its citizens in its pursuit of economic dominance. Similarly, Sri Lanka has been intent on building its debt load without considering the negative effects. They are enamoured with the concept of modernity and material desires.

Furthermore, according to Vivekananda (2013), there ought to be a reciprocal relationship in which the Indians impart their spiritual and religious wisdom to the West in return for items assimilated into Western culture. He, thus, wished for the Indians to be proud of their own culture as well. When applied to South Asia, the same idea explains why regional cooperation is breaking down. Because of their shared colonial past, the majority of South Asian nations suffer from post-colonial insecurities (Krishna, 1999). The ruling classes of the surrounding nations are innately afraid of their neighbours' demonic conspiracy or the negligence of their own citizens. However, in this process of becoming resistant to any outside influence, these nations frequently fail to recognise that outside forces have impacted them as they have worked to challenge their neighbour's dominance.

According to Madan, radical Western ideals in South Asia have little chance of succeeding. According to him (as cited by Raksha, V., Babu, S., and Gandotra, H., 2018, p. 57), "It should be realised that secularism may not be restricted to rationalism, that it is compatible with faith and that rationalism, as understood in the West, is not the sole motive force of a modern state." This statement applies to multireligious societies like those found in South Asia. Being rooted in the past thus provides the nation-state with a solid base upon which to grow. Chinese people, for instance, are very aware of their cultural identity. According to Chinese philosophy, in the event of foreign invasions and dangers, the people should expel the foreign invaders and resuscitate the Chinese nation (quchu dalu, huifu zhonghua, 驱除鞑虏，恢复中华), brandishing their weapons and fighting for the glory of the nation (Lihua, 2013).

A similar emphasis on the roots and traditional philosophy could help bind the South Asian states. Swami Vivekananda (2013) believed that we must try to keep our historically acquired character as a region. He believed there were many things for us to learn from the West, but most modern reform movements had merely been inconsiderate emulations. For this reason, all our recent reform movements bore no fruit. Knowledge and awareness would cure it by taking us to the other side. On a practical note, SAARC made an effort to garner awareness of the region during the 14th SAARC Summit in New Delhi. An inter-ministerial Agreement for the establishment of South Asian University was signed in 2007. A brainchild of the then Prime Minister of India, SAU provides world-class facilities and professional faculty to students and researchers drawn from every country in the SAARC region. With its motto ‘Knowledge without Borders’, the University envisages learning in the South Asian community that promotes an understanding of each other's perspectives and strengthens regional consciousness (SAU, 2024). A connection with the foundational roots will help in the creation of a strong and firm region.

Conclusion

Vivekananda was chosen to study the region because of his respect towards all religions and his recognised status as an influencer in the modern world. His thoughts offered a fresh perspective towards viewing society during the times when India and the whole world were struggling to overcome the stagnation of ideas. He was well aware of the allegiances people held for their traditional roots and beliefs. He sought to define modernity on those lines, different from that of the highhandedness of the West. Though Vivekananda has often been called out as a nationalist and Hindu revivalist (Elst, 2001), his thoughts on universal acceptance and mutual tolerance set him apart from the thinkers of his time.

Nevertheless, his ideals should not be considered absolute, and some caution must be exercised while applying them in relation to India’s neighbours. Walking the tightrope of emphasis on one’s religion and acceptance of other’s religious beliefs has never been a cakewalk. Communal violence and minority ostracisation have often been witnessed in countries. From Tamils in Sri Lanka to Lhotshampas in Bhutan, ethnic conflict is a part of the dark history of most states.

The principles of Vedanta seem to be fascinating, focussing on the oneness and unity of beings. However, when applied to the region of South Asia, it neglects the stubbornness among the member states to be a part of the common cultural heritage (Nandy, 2005). This has even led to a dichotomy for India, where it is emerging as a global leader but is yet to integrate South Asia as a region (Jacob, 2024). No cooperation or development of a successful regional organisation is possible if the states are unwilling to participate actively. The gravity of foundational roots has already been mentioned earlier. With prominence to traditional roots, we often forget that it leads to rigidity and, thereby, orthodoxy.

Moreover, this article is an interpretation of Vivekananda’s thoughts on regionalism in South Asia. Vivekananda himself didn’t engage much in subjects relating to foreign policy or diplomacy. Nevertheless, this would be a bottom-up approach towards fostering ties in the region and utilising the soft power to overcome the present hurdles in reintegrating the region.

Embracing indigenous philosophies that align with the region's distinct cultural and historical context is the route to a united and cooperative South Asia rather than replicating Western-centric power dynamics. Given India's size, diversity, and historical background, it can play a pivotal role in its neighbourhood, not as a leader who imposes its will on others but as a friend and an equal partner. India can lead the way in a new kind of regionalism that goes beyond self-serving national interests and promotes sincere cooperation by embracing Vivekananda's tolerance, unity, and spiritual oneness principles.

Vivekananda believed that mystery-mongering and superstition have always been signs of weakness, degradation and death. The same could be considered valid in South Asia, where states have deep-rooted suspicions against their neighbours. A lack of faith and skepticism regarding every action of the neighbour leads to an unreliable regional security complex, where every state perceives another state as its threat. This mindset needs to change. South Asia has tremendous potential to become a global force for peace and development as the region struggles with issues like poverty, climate change, and political instability. The power of unity within the region can be demonstrated by the ability of a united South Asia, guided by the principles of Vedanta, to transcend historical divides. In this picture, India is not portrayed as a "big brother" but empowers and supports its neighbours to build a future where all share mutual respect, collaboration, and prosperity. They also aim to be a step forward in making India a global friend by inculcating strong ties in its neighbourhood. Concentrating on common human problems and the everyday basis of all religions' spirituality would help foster amity in South Asia. Vivekananda’s ideas challenge the Western peacebuilding and regional harmony theories and provide a radically new way of looking at South Asia. In contrast to the utilitarian theories of realism and liberalism dominating the field of international relations, Vivekananda’s ideas are enduring, futuristic, and fresh in present-day geopolitics.

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