Quota Reform Movement in Bangladesh: A Deep Dive into Its Origin and Impact

Dr Anchita Borthakur, Research Associate, VIF

Dr Anchita Borthakur, Research Associate, VIF
August 2 , 2024 Views: 2130 Comments: 0

Introduction

In recent weeks, Bangladesh has witnessed the outbreak of massive protests and demonstrations, unlike those witnessed in recent years, on the contentious issue of the country's quota system in government jobs. The quota system, designed to ensure equitable representation for disadvantaged groups, has become a flashpoint for debates on fairness, meritocracy, and social justice in Bangladesh. Among them, the freedom fighter quota that is the reservation of government jobs for freedom fighters (muktijoddha) ^[1], a significant aspect of the country's public service recruitment policies, established to honour the contributions of those who fought for Bangladesh’s independence in 1971, has become a focal point for debates on equitable representation and opportunities, fair access to government jobs, and the evolving nature of national policies.

What started as a student movement has rapidly evolved into a nationwide call for reform, drawing widespread attention and prompting significant government response. However, these protests were not confined to the student community but soon intertwined with broader political dynamics of the country. It is anticipated that opposition political parties and groups begin to see an opportunity to leverage the student discontent for their own political agendas, bringing additional resources and visibility to the student movement. Therefore, an attempt has been made in this article to highlight the historical origin of the quota movement in Bangladesh and the reasons and consequences of this upheaval in the country. According to reports, nearly 200 people have died in clashes till now with thousands injured. This represents a complex interplay between grassroots activism, political strategy, and the deep discontent against the government within the society.

Quota System in Bangladesh: An Overview

The Quota system which underwent several transformations was introduced in Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1972, soon after the country’s independence. At first, 80 per cent of government jobs were assigned to freedom fighters, women affected by the 1971 war, and people from poorer areas of the country.^[2] However, in 1976, merit-based recruitment was raised to 40 per cent^[3] which was increased further to 55 percent by 1996.^[4] Till 2018, the Quota system in Bangladesh set aside 30% of seats in public-sector jobs and higher education institutions for freedom fighters and later their children/grandchildren^[5] as well as 10% in favour of women and an additional 10% for candidates coming from backward districts. It mandated another 5 per cent reservation to members of tribal communities/minority groups and 1 per cent reservation was awarded to persons with disabilities, and transgender people.^[6] All these led to 56 percent of reservations in the country in civil service jobs.

The movement against the quota system began to gain momentum from the 1990s onwards, driven by concerns that the policy was being misused and was creating a new form of injustice. The early protests were sporadic, but they highlighted growing frustrations among students and job seekers who felt that the quota system was hindering merit-based selection. However, the movement surged in 2018 with students flooding the streets demanding reform. A series of large-scale protests erupted across the country forcing the government to abolish the quota system in civil/public service jobs. The government also eliminated all forms of quotas in grades 9 to 13 (formerly known as first and second-class jobs) in government employment.^[7]

The Present Crisis

However, the present crisis began when on June 5, 2024, following the filing of a writ petition by a group of relatives of the war veterans,^[8] the High Court of Bangladesh, perceived to be supportive of the current PM Sheikh Hasina, reinstated the controversial quota system terming the government’s decision to scrap the quotas in 2018 as “unconstitutional, illegal, and ineffective.”^[9] Immediately student-led protests, initially peaceful, erupted across the country. The protests that began in early July were modest in size but consistently maintained, occasionally encountering violence from individuals reportedly aligned with the ruling Awami League (AL) and its student faction Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL).^[10]

However, during the same time, a significant event occurred on July 7, when a Bangladeshi investigative journalist revealed that “for more than 12 years, questions for the Bangladesh Civil Service (BCS) (first-class government jobs) and other government job exams have been consistently compromised with regular leakage of BCS exam questions.” ^[11] This further incited the student community.

But the tension intensified after Hasina made a controversial remark on July 14 labelling the protesters as Razakars, a term considered to be derogatory in the country, referring to people who collaborated with the Pakistani military during Bangladesh’s struggle for liberation. In response, the protesters adopted the term as their own in a sarcastic manner in their demonstrations. Unfortunately, their slogans, which were misunderstood/misinterpreted and lost in translation, faced a severe crackdown from the government side, with many Awami League leaders including the Awami League General Secretary and Road Transport and Bridges Minister Obaidul Quader calling for a "fitting reply"^[12] while blaming the “anti-liberation” forces of the country for taking up the leadership of the protests. All these events led to the worsening of the situation, culminating in several deaths and prompting protesters to call for a nationwide shutdown. Ironically not only public but also students from private universities joined the movement this time which is a significant move given the latter’s privileged status.

The BNP and other political parties/alliances also expressed their solidarity with the complete shutdown programme^[13] and the former’s student wing Chhatra Dal officially joined^[14] the demonstrators on the street. This further politicised the already complex situation. To manage the volatile situation, the government was compelled to impose a curfew and the Armed Forces were deployed around the country in aid of the civil authority. On July 18, the Bangladesh government suspended mobile internet services due to escalating violence throughout the country.^[15] Reports indicate that clashes between law enforcement agencies and protesters led to nearly 200 deaths, with thousands more reportedly injured.^[16] Finally, on July 21, the Supreme Court scrapped the High Court judgment and declared that 93 percent of jobs in civil service would be merit-based; ^[17] while the quota for freedom fighters or their children was reduced to 5 percent from 30 percent. One percent quota has been reserved for ethnic minorities and another one percent for persons with disability and people of third gender.^[18] However, the ruling also stated that the government would have complete discretion to modify these quotas in the future as necessary.^[19] The government endorsed this recommendation and officially notified the public within two days.^[20] But the agitating students made a nine-point demand including the banning of BCL, resignation/removal of Quader, public apology from the PM for the mass killing,^[21] investigation into the excessive use of force by law enforcement agencies, compensation to the families of the death/injured, releasing all detained students and removing all government cases intended to intimidate them,^[22] etc. This illustrates how the protests have evolved beyond merely calling for the cancellation of the quota system.

Uncovering the Hidden Grievances

In reality, the anti-quota protests gained their strength from a deep-seated economic and political malaise simmering in Bangladesh for the last few years. Experts have opined that “The quota issue is the tip of the iceberg of economic and political discontent that lies underneath the surface.”^[23] The perceived injustice of guaranteeing jobs to the grandchildren of freedom fighters—viewed by many as a concession to AL loyalists—is compounded by rising inflation, a struggling job market for university graduates, and instances of blatant corruption that disproportionately benefit government officials.^[24] This economic downturn has added to the frustration regarding the job quota system. In addition, the current government, which assumed power for the fourth consecutive time at the start of this year, is accused of suppressing dissent, limiting freedoms and democratic processes while exhibiting autocratic tendencies. Moreover, the government’s heavy-handed approach while dealing with the protesters has drawn widespread criticism from the general public.

The Fallout of the Quota Movement

But along with the loss of lives, the consequences of violence include both direct and indirect costs, as it disrupts economic activities, heightens instability, and diminishes human productivity.^[25] Estimation by the country’s business community stated that Bangladesh’s economy had suffered losses amounting to more than $1.2bn in just five days.^[26] According to the Foreign Investors' Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the recent shutdown has significantly impacted Bangladesh's economy with over $10 billion and climbing in estimated losses. ^[27] The curfew and internet disruption/blackout took a significant toll on the country’s fragile economy with its garment sector, which accounts for about 85 percent of the country's exports^[28] facing a heavy price. Moreover, the destruction of public property/properties of private companies through arson and vandalism at various offices and vehicles has resulted in damage to important documents and other related assets.^[29] Various preliminary estimates suggest that the losses will amount to several thousand crore taka. For instance, the Power Division indicated a loss of Tk 1000 crore; the ICT ministry a loss of Tk 500 crore; Dhaka North City Corporation (DNCC) a loss of Tk 205 crore, and Bangladesh Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (BCSIR) a loss of Tk 5 crore.^[30] On the trade front, the economic collapse lasting over a week has disrupted major supply chains involved in the export and import of various goods.^[31] At the macro level, the full extent of the losses might not be immediately apparent. However, the disruption of supply chains has led to a decrease in the availability of goods in retail markets, causing prices to rise. This inflationary pressure is likely to increase further given the current situation.^[32] Overall, both the formal and informal sectors of the economy have suffered as a result of this man-made disaster. Such a situation is critical for a country that is set to achieve the status of a developing nation by 2026.

Conclusion

To conclude, Bangladesh is facing a unique situation at present. The government announced a nationwide day of mourning on 30 July to honour those who lost their lives in the recent violence.^[33] Reports also surfaced in the media that the coordinators of the demonstrators pushing for quota reforms have announced the suspension of their protests. This decision apparently came in response to the current situation in the country and because their main demand has been addressed by the government.^[34] However, other coordinators and co-coordinators have stated that they will continue the movement until their nine-point demands are met, asserting further that the withdrawal statement of their fellow coordinators was extracted under pressure/duress.^[35] Given this scenario, it is unlikely that the situation will stay calm and peaceful for an extended period. However, internet services have been restored in the country and the curfew has been relaxed intermittently. Meanwhile, the ruling party has accused the BNP and the Islamist party Jamaat-i-Islami for the violence and decided to ban the latter and its student wing Chhatra Shibir for hijacking the student protest.^[36] No doubt, the opposition is likely to harness the surge of public anger to bolster its own anti-government movement. Therefore, at present, the Sheikh Hasina government is encountering one of its most significant crises since the January election as a previously (politically) passive populace is now energized, and the opposition, which had been struggling to rally support after the election, has been rejuvenated.^[37] In this situation, it is crucial for the government to act responsibly, avoid provoking the general public, and engage in dialogue with the protesters. Unless the people's grievances are adequately addressed, anti-government factions may exploit the situation to advance their own agendas against the ruling government, potentially causing widespread chaos-- the repercussions of which could be perilous not just for Bangladesh, but for the entire region.

References

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