The Forgotten ‘Student Movement’ of East Pakistan

On Wednesday, 17th July 2024, top officials of Dhaka University announced the suspension of classes and closure of the university dorms following violent protests against quotas for government jobs. ^[1] At least six deaths, including three of students, were reported along with several hundred injured in the clashes across Bangladesh between students protesting against the quotas and Chhatra League activists and police on 16th July. ^[2] The streets leading to the Raju Memorial Monument in Dhaka University turned into a tinderbox and were the epicentre of the “July Revolution.” ^[3] Over the next three weeks, over 650 individuals were killed in the conflict all around the country.^[4] The escalation of violence ultimately resulted in the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on 5th August 2024. ^[5]

This was not the first time Dhaka University’s streets witnessed violence amidst political turmoil in the nation. Student protests have always catalysed all major political changes in Bangladesh. Even during the occupation and exploitation by West Pakistan between 1947 and 1971, student movements in erstwhile East Pakistan deeply impacted the political landscape. The contentious political atmosphere emerged in East Pakistan immediately after the partition of the Indian subcontinent by the erstwhile malevolent colonial masters. The majority of the population in the newly crafted nation (Pakistan) lived in East Pakistan; despite this, the positions of power in the government and the armed forces were mostly held by individuals from West Pakistan. In addition to this, East Pakistan in 1947 was experiencing a severe food crisis. The memories of the artificially created famine by the British Prime Minister Winston Churchill in 1943 were still fresh in the minds of the people in East Pakistan. Anxious East Pakistanis started hoarding food grains, which resulted in inflated prices of food in East Pakistan. The new West Pakistan-led government was ineffective in addressing the inflation in East Pakistan. ^[6]

Among the students in East Pakistan, the issues related to language became the prime reason for the brewing discontent. Mohammad Abul Kashem, a former student with a Master of Science degree in Physics from Dhaka University, founded the Tamaddun Majlish on 1st September 1947 to mobilise people for the Bengali language. ^[7] Fifteen days later, on 15th September 1947, he published a small booklet titled “Pakistaner Rashtra Bhasha: Bangla Na Urdu?” The core of the booklet demanded Bengali be recognised as a state language in Pakistan. It also promoted Bengali as a medium of education and as an official language in courts and offices of the government in East Pakistan. Later in January 1948, the East Pakistan Muslim Chhatra League was established at Dhaka University by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to raise a voice for the right to language, the right to education, and the establishment of Bengali autonomy. ^[8] These were the initial seeds sown for the Bhasha Andolan in East Pakistan.

In January 1952, the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Khawaja Nazimuddin, announced in Dhaka that Urdu must become the official language of all of Pakistan, including East Pakistan. ^[9] He also hailed the initiative for writing Bengali by using Urdu alphabets. ^[10] Dr. Mohammad Shahidullah, a Bengali linguist from Dhaka University, argued that “If Urdu or Hindi instead of Bengali is used in our law, courts, and universities, that would be tantamount to political slavery.”^[11] On 30th January, the student wing of Rashtro Bhasha Sangram Parishad in Dhaka University called for strikes, processions and rallies against this move. The protests in Dhaka on 4th February were very successful, and the movement spread beyond the confines of students and the middle class. Almost the entire Dhaka came to a standstill in the biggest demonstrations in East Bengal. ^[12]

These series of demonstrations and strikes were supported by all kinds of political and cultural organizations in East Pakistan; the only exception was the ruling party, the Muslim League. East Pakistan Muslim Chhatra League (led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman) also played a prominent role in these demonstrations. ^[13] Protests were held almost every day on the campus. In one of these protests on 21st February 1952, many students lost their lives in an ugly confrontation with the police. ^[14] The news of student death spread quickly and sparked spontaneous riots in different parts of Dhaka. The students killed were referred to as ‘Shaheed’ by the masses. ^[15] Impromptu monuments were erected by the students at the entrance of Dhaka University to commemorate the sacrifice of the slain students. The police took note of these developments and quickly demolished these haphazardly built structures. The students responded to the police actions by constructing several Shaheed Minars all across the university campus. Portable Shaheed Minars^[16] were also built to avoid demolition. The Bhasha Andolan turned the campus of Dhaka University into a contentious political space and forged the Dhaka University students into an empowered political class in the postcolonial period under the rule of West Pakistan. ^[17] Bengali-speaking student agitators were the new politicians in East Pakistan. ^[18] The Pakistani government tried to paint the student activists in East Pakistan as influenced by external elements.

The brutal suppression of the 21st February 1952 student demonstrations, popularly known as Ekushe February^[19] resulted in the loss of credibility of the Muslim League in East Pakistan. In the 1954 elections, regional parties like the Awami Muslim League, the Krishak Praja Party, the Ganatantri Dal and Nizam-e-Islam formed a coalition known as the United Front against the Muslim League in East Pakistan. By 1954, the movement in East Pakistan had transitioned from the right to the Bengali language to East Pakistan’s right to a Bengali identity. The United Front won an overwhelming majority in the elections in East Pakistan, but the government was dissolved.

The combustible relationship between the students in East Pakistan and the West Pakistani-led civil government further deteriorated following General Ayub Khan’s 1958 coup d’état. General Ayub Khan took control as President of Pakistan on 27th October 1958. As President, General Ayub Khan usurped centralised authority and simultaneously abolished the office of the Prime Minister. ^[20] During the military rule, the government did not even pretend to bother about democratic values. The leaders of major political parties in East Pakistan who were less supportive of the takeover by General Ayub Khan were arrested and put in jail. Along with this, all political parties and political activities were banned. The imposition of martial law meant that there was almost no space for dissent in Pakistan, especially in East Pakistan.

The military takeover of the government in Pakistan meant that even fewer elected representatives and officials from East Pakistan could take part in the governance of East Pakistan. The Pakistani Army and the rest of the defence forces in Pakistan mostly comprised West Pakistanis. The number of East Pakistani officers in the Pakistani armed forces was even meagre. A mere 3% of the higher ranks in the armed forces were East Pakistanis. ^[21] Hence, the military rule meant that power in East Pakistan was now even more authoritatively in the hands of non-locals. This closed the door for students’ participation in politics at a national level in East Pakistan. However, despite this, student campuses, particularly Dhaka University, remained a hotbed for voicing political dissent as the ban on political parties did not include a ban on student organizations and their activities.

The grievances of the educated class and the student organizations in East Pakistan against the government continued to grow throughout the 1960s. According to the Pakistan government’s economic evaluation in the 1960s, 66% of Pakistan’s industrial wealth was owned by 22 families, all of which were from West Pakistan. ^[22] The Pakistani government’s total expenditure on East Pakistan was just 26% of its national budget between 1955 and 1960. ^[23] The Pakistani government transformed East Pakistan into a region for extracting jute and rice. These raw materials from the fertile delta region formed 70% of Pakistani exports in 1960-1961. ^[24] These economic grievances of East Pakistan coincided with the lack of opportunities for East Pakistani students in education and employment. In the years between 1951 and 1961, the number of postgraduates increased by 68.5% in West Pakistan and dropped by 11.9% in East Pakistan. ^[25] The educational advantage wielded by West Pakistani students helped them hog the limited employment opportunities.

In January 1962, General Ayub Khan started working on implementing a new constitution in Pakistan. The East Pakistani leaders opposed this arbitrary move, and a large number of the East Pakistani political elite were arrested, including former Prime Minister Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. The students at Dhaka University protested the dictatorial nature of the government, and the campus erupted once again in February 1962. East Pakistani students used the arrest of Suhrawardy as a pretext to demonstrate against General Ayub Khan and his policies. ^[26] The larger target was the new constitutional reforms and the institutional neglect that the East Pakistanis were subjected to by the Pakistani government. The students marched out of the campus into the surrounding area and were joined by the wider population. The following protests resulted in confrontations between the students and police. A large number of protesting students were arrested by the police. ^[27]

Sporadic student protests continued in Dhaka till September 1962, until Suhrawardy and the arrested students were released from jail. General Ayub Khan didn’t make any changes in the skewed educational policy of the government, which favoured the students from West Pakistan. He also didn’t give any constitutional concession. The students saw the release of Suhrawardy as a big win against the despotic regime and organised a march toward the Secretariat on 17th September 1962. The peaceful march was brutally dispersed by the police. The police opened fire on the demonstrating students, which resulted in the deaths of several protestors, and many were also arrested. ^[28] Leaders of all major political parties in East Pakistan, including Suhrawardy and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, condemned the police atrocities against unarmed student demonstrators. ^[29] The protracted protests forced the Ayub government to abandon the changes to the educational system, and they also had to lift the martial law.

Post the September 1962 student protests, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman started seeing the importance of the students in East Pakistan’s political space. Under Martial Law (between 1958 and 1962), student groups demonstrated that they could replace the political parties in the agitations against the government. Therefore, the Awami League, under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, started interacting directly with the student leaders to incorporate the student component into larger regional platforms. ^[30] Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s involvement in the Bhasha Andolan gave him credibility among the students.

The 1965 India-Pakistan War over Kashmir further broadened the rift between the Ayub regime and the people of East Pakistan. The war was seen as unnecessary by East Pakistan, as it disrupted the regional trade with India and also threatened the security of East Pakistan, as India had isolated it from the Western wing. Moreover, the Kashmir cause was not seen in the same light in East Pakistan as in the Western wing. The UN-sponsored ceasefire came at a point when India held the upper hand in the war. East Pakistani leaders saw the war and the corresponding Tashkent agreement as an opportunity to criticize the regime.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman came up with the Six-Point Movement in 1966, demanding regional autonomy based on a confederation between the two wings. The Six-Point Movement emerged out of the Two Economic Theory, which originated at Dhaka University. ^[31] The exploitation of East Pakistan was projected as colonialism in the Two Economic Theory. ^[32] The Chhatra League, the student wing of the Awami League, supported the Six-Point Movement. Students from the university joined the movement in large numbers, which saw the rise of a new call for regional autonomy that was built on the substructure of the Bhasha Andolan. The Six-Point Movement reminded the East Pakistanis about the central government’s disrespect for the Bengali language. The movement helped the Awami League gain support not only among the masses but also among the politically motivated students on the campuses. The Pakistani government responded by arresting the student leaders and important political leaders to quell the movement, which also included Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He, along with 34 others, was charged with conspiring against Pakistan in the Agartala Conspiracy Case in 1968. ^[33]

In January 1969, Dhaka became a centre for agitations against Ayub’s regime led by the student body. ^[34] The city of Dhaka stopped functioning properly as the attendance in these agitations grew exponentially (about 40,000 to 50,000 people). ^[35] In one of these agitations, Asad Uz Zaman, a history student from Dhaka University, was killed in a police firing. ^[36] This violent act by police ignited widespread demonstrations by the student groups, which ultimately resulted in the fall of General Ayub Khan’s regime in March 1969 and the release of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from prison. General Ayub Khan was replaced by another ‘General’ named Yahya Khan, who immediately imposed martial law. Therefore, after ousting General Ayub Khan, the students of Dhaka University landed in the lap of the malevolent General Yahya Khan, who added the word ‘President’ as a prefix to his name.

General Yahya Khan set the framework to conduct the general elections in Pakistan in late 1970. The student groups joined forces to aid Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his Awami League in the elections, as they were aware of the fact that the eastern wing of the country had more voters and seats in the National Assembly. In West Pakistan, the Pakistan Peoples’ Party under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto established itself as a primary political party. The Pakistan Peoples’ Party also had the overt support of General Yahya Khan. In his election campaign, Bhutto vehemently criticized Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as a secessionist. ^[37]

Unfortunately, East Pakistan was hit by the Bhola Cyclone on 12th November 1970, just before the elections. The deadly cyclone killed up to 500,000 people and displaced millions. ^[38] However, the attitude and response of the West Pakistani political elite sitting in positions of power in the government towards the victims in East Pakistan was highly inept and insensitive. ^[39] The lack of aid reaching out to the victims of the cyclone in East Pakistan further aided in the overwhelming victory of the Awami League in the elections, which were ultimately held in December 1970. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s party won 167 seats in the polls and a majority in the National Assembly. However, General Yahya Khan and Bhutto were reluctant to accept defeat as it would mean ceding power to East Pakistan. On 2nd March 1971, General Yahya Khan postponed the calling of the Assembly indefinitely. ^[40]

All the student bodies in East Pakistan, like the East Pakistan Student League (EPSL), the Dhaka University Central Student Union (DUCSU), and even the left-leaning student organizations, called for protests against the forced postponement of the parliament session. The buzz around student campuses in Dhaka felt like a disturbed hornet’s nest. ^[41] The scale of the protest grew exponentially, and hundreds of students were injured in clashes with the police, which also included multiple student deaths. ^[42] By the 6th of March, the students were urging Mujibur Rahman to set up a provincial government and appealed for international support. ^[43] On 7th March, Mujibur Rahman, in a public speech at Ramna Race Course in front of over 300,000 people, declared a full boycott of all government institutions and economic activity. ^[44] The negotiations between Yahya, Mujibur and Bhutto taking place in Dhaka were bearing no fruit, and the situation in East Pakistan remained tense till 25th March.

General Yahya Khan left East Pakistan on 25th March and adopted a military approach to crush the unrest. Operation Searchlight was launched on the same night by Lt. Gen. Tikka Khan, commander of the Pakistan Army’s Eastern Command. ^[45] This decision to unleash the Pakistani Army on civilians earned Tikka Khan the title of ‘Butcher of Bangladesh.’ ^[46] Within hours the Awami League was banned, and Mujibur Rahman, along with other leaders, was arrested for treason. ^[47] The army was mobilised in Dhaka with their howitzers, tanks and rockets as if they were fighting a war. Anyone who could provide leadership, like politicians from the Awami League, professors, students, intellectuals and businessmen were, targeted. Stephen Shalom Rosskamm described the atrocities committed by the Pakistani Army in Dhaka: “…the army set fire to 25 square blocks and then mowed down those trying to escape.’’ ^[48]

On the night of the 25th and the early hours of the 26th March 1971, the Pakistani army directed its wrath towards the students of Dhaka University. Witnesses heard the noise of bullets and mortars near the Jagannath Hall in Dhaka University. ^[49] The students had erected barricades at all the entrances to the campus. Brig. (Lt Col.) Muhammad Taj, CO 32 Punjab, was in charge of the military action at Jagannath Hall and Iqbal Hall. He mentioned that there was a pitched battle taking place at Jagannath Hall between the army and the inmates of Jagannath Hall. The next morning, the field of the Jagannath Hall was covered with bodies, and the surviving students, staff and sweepers were made to carry the corpses of the dead students. ^[50] More than 200 students were killed in Iqbal Hall, with bodies smouldering in the burnt-out rooms, others scattered outside, and some floated in the nearby lake. ^[51]

The US Consul General in Dhaka, Archer Blood, sent a series of official telegrams to the Department of State. In one of these telegrams, he mentioned that the authorities carried a list, which had the names of the Awami League supporters. Once the individuals were identified, they were systematically shooting down. ^[52] In another telegram, he talked about the atrocities that took place in Rokeya Girls Hall. The building was set ablaze, and girls inside were machine-gunned as they tried to flee. ^[53] After the military action, the casualties at Dhaka was estimated to be around 4,000 to 6,000. ^[54]

This was the beginning of the Bangladesh Liberation War, lasting 8 months and 3 weeks. This war turned cities in East Pakistan into battlefields. Students across East Pakistan joined the armed struggle for freedom. The Pakistani military’s atrocities spurred a massive refugee crisis, forcing millions to flee to India. Time magazine reported an influx of 50,000 refugees daily. ^[55] India was feeling the economic pressure due to the continuous flow of refugees and had to do something to stem the flow of refugees. Rural camps were set up near the Indian border to train the students and the peasants for a guerilla campaign against the Pakistani military. India covertly supported the Mukti Bahini through indirect aid, such as allowing the use of border barracks. ^[56]

In the meantime, the Pakistani military continued their systematic butchery of intellectuals in East Pakistan, particularly targeting Dhaka University professors to cripple the emerging nation’s intellectuals. After months of genocidal killings, Pakistan launched Operation Chengiz Khan on 3rd December 1971 with a pre-emptive aerial strike on Indian airfields. ^[57] India swiftly retaliated, launching military offensives on both eastern and western fronts, and formally recognized Bangladesh as an independent state on December 6. ^[58] The war concluded on 16th December 1971, with Pakistan's unconditional surrender to Indian forces. Over 93,000 Pakistani troops surrendered to the Indian forces. ^[59] This marked the end of the Bengali genocide in East Pakistan and the birth of a new nation, Bangladesh.

As the Pakistanis left and peace returned in Bangladesh (previously called East Pakistan), students who had taken up arms came back to their campuses. Dhaka University, central to the spirit of defiance throughout the war, became a symbol of victory. Celebrations erupted as these student fighters gathered at the Shaheed Minar, raising their rifles in triumph. The war not only secured Bangladesh’s independence but also cemented the role of its youth as both the torchbearers of resistance and the architects of a new nation. But the events of July and August 2024 and the rise of radical Islamists in Bangladesh highlight the fact that people forget their own history with the passage of time.

Bangladeshi youth have forgotten the Bhasha Andolan of 1952, where students championed the Bengali language in defiance of the West Pakistani government’s oppressive policies. They have forgotten the struggle to assert their linguistic and cultural identity. The Islamists and Islamist sympathizers like Mohammad Yunus have erased the bloodstains from the history books. The Bangladeshi youth has forgotten the protests of 1962, 1969, and 1971 in which hundreds of student protesters died. The universities in East Pakistan, which had become synonymous with resistance against the Ayub and Yahya Khan regimes, have now, in an independent Bangladesh, started showering praises on Pakistan and Jinnah. I guess 53 years is enough to eventually forget genocide.

References

^[1] “Dhaka University suspends classes and closes dorms indefinitely amid violence,” Indian Express, 17 July 2024.
https://indianexpress.com/article/world/dhaka-university-suspends-classes-closes-dorms-indefinitely-amid-violence-9459194/ [3]
^[2] “6 killed as violence spreads,” The Daily Star, 17 July 2024.
https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/crime-justice/news/6-killed-violence-spreads-3658766 [4]
^[3] “That is why the 'July Revolution' is an exception in history,” Protidiner Sangbad, 13 August 2024.
https://www.protidinersangbad.com/todays-newspaper/uposompadokio/470265 [5]
^[4] “Preliminary Analysis of Recent Protests and Unrest in Bangladesh,” United Nations Human Rights, 16 August 2024.
https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country-reports/preliminary-analysis-recent-protests-and-unrest-bangladesh [6]
^[5] “Bangladesh PM Sheikh Hasina flees, army says interim government to be formed,” Reuters, 6 August 2024. https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/bangladesh-protesters-call-march-dhaka-defiance-curfew-2024-08-05/ [7]
^[6] Willem Van Schendel, A history of Bangladesh, Cambridge University Press, 2009, pages 105-130.
^[7] “50 Years of Independence: How the Language Movement Created Bengali National Consciousness,” BBC News Bangla, 19 February, 2021.
https://www.bbc.com/bengali/news-55650600 [8]
^[8] “Bangladesh Chhatra League in History,” The Daily Ittefaq, 4 January 2021.
https://www.ittefaq.com.bd/211608/%E2%80%8B%E2%80%8B%E [9]
^[9] Owen Bennett Jones (2002), Pakistan: Eye of the Storm. Yale University Press, page 153.
^[10] “Language movement: Not five, but dozens were killed on February 21-22,” Dhaka Tribune, 17 February 2023.
https://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/305062/language-movement-not-five-but-dozens-were [10]
^[11] S. M. Shamsul Alam (1991), Language as Political Articulation: East Bengal in 1952, Journal of Contemporary Asia, page 475.
^[12] “Dacca Quits” Pakistan Observer, February 5, 1952, Bangla Academy Archive Collection.
^[13] “Bangladesh Chhatra League in History,” The Daily Ittefaq, 4 January 2021.
^[14] “Language movement: Not five, but dozens were killed on February 21-22,” Dhaka Tribune, 17 February 2023.
https://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/305062/language-movement-not-five-but-dozens-were [10]
^[15] S. M. Shamsul Alam (1991), Language as Political Articulation: East Bengal in 1952, Journal of Contemporary Asia, page 479.
^[16] C. M. Tarek Reza, Ekush: A Photographic History of Language Movement (1947-1956), page 82.
^[17] In the malevolent colonial period, Dhaka University was not a place to project discontentment against the generous British. In fact, Dhaka University was established by the kind British government as a reward for the Muslim elites in the erstwhile East Bengal. The Muslim elite in East Bengal remained loyal to the British during the attempted Bengal Partition of 1905-1911. Thus, a new university in East Bengal was established in Dhaka as a repayment for the annulment of Bengal Partition.
^[18] Willem Van Schendel, A History of Bangladesh, Cambridge University Press, 2009, pages 152-158.
^[19] “How Ekushey was commemorated during the Pakistan period,” The Daily Star, 21 February 2024.
https://www.thedailystar.net/supplements/amar-ekushe-2024/news/how-ekushey-was-commemorated-during-the-pakistan-period-3549101 [11]
^[20] Lawrence Ziring, The Ayub Khan Era: Politics in Pakistan 1958-1969, Syracuse University Press, pages 8-14.
^[21] Willem Van Schendel, A history of Bangladesh, Cambridge University Press, 2009, pages 118-119.
^[22] Willem Van Schendel, A history of Bangladesh, Cambridge University Press, 2009, pages 135-136.
^[23] Tariq Rahman, “The Bengali Language Movement.” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture 16 no. 2 (1995), page 18.
^[24] Ibid., page 19.
^[25] Government of Pakistan, Population Census of Pakistan. 1961.
^[26] Paul Grimes, “Arrests Continue in East Pakistan: Up to 43 More Seized After Latest Student Agitation.” The New York Times, February 13, 1962, page 11. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times (1851-2007)
^[27]Ibid.
^[28] Badruddin Umar, The Emergence of Bangladesh, Vol. 2, The Rise of Bengali Nationalism, 1958-1971, Oxford University Press, 2004, pages 68-72.
^[29] “Inquiry Demanded” Pakistan Observer, September 18, 1962.
^[30] Badruddin Umar, The Emergence of Bangladesh: Vol. 2, The Rise of Bengali Nationalism, 1958-1971, Oxford University Press, 2004, pages 246-262.
^[31] Abul Kalam Azad, Pakistaner Anchalik Baishamya (Pakistan’s Regional Disparity), Central Committee of East Pakistan Student League, 1965, DUCSU archival collection.
^[32] S. K. Chakravarty, The Evolution of Politics in Bangladesh 1948-1978. (New Delhi: Associated Publishing House) 1978, pages 134-135.
^[33] Ian Talbot (1998), Pakistan: A Modern History, St. Martin's Press, page 190.
^[34] “The Tragedy of Student Politics,” The Star Weekend Magazine, February 1, 2010. http://www.thedailystar.net/magazine/2010/02/02/cover.htm [12]
^[35] Badruddin Umar, The Emergence of Bangladesh: Vol. 2. The Rise of Bengali Nationalism, 1958-1971, Oxford University Press, 2004, pages 154-165.
^[36] Dr. Nuran Nabi, Bullets Of '71: A Freedom Fighter's Story, page 122.
^[37] Richard Sisson and Leo E. Rose, War and Secession: Pakistan, India, and the creation of Bangladesh, 1991,
pages 28-34.
^[38] "World's deadliest tropical cyclone was 50 years ago," World Meteorological Organization, 12 November 2020. Archived from the original on 18 December 2023. Retrieved 26 December 2022.
^[39] Time, Vol. LXXX No. 23, 7 December 1970.
^[40] Richard Sisson and Leo E. Rose, War and Secession: Pakistan, India, and the creation of Bangladesh, 1991,
page 53.
^[41] Jahanara Imam, Of Blood and Fire: The Untold Story of Bangladesh's War of Independence, 1989, page10-11.
^[42] The Pakistan Observer, March 5, 1971. Bangla Academy Archive Collection.
^[43] Kitarmura, The Student Movements in Bangladesh, page 139; Umar, The Emergence of Bangladesh. Volume 2, page 293- 295.
^[44] “Seventh March Address” Banglapedia – National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh, Asiatic Society of Bangladesh.
^[45] Maan Aman Singh Chhina, ‘Military Digest: An eyewitness account of Pakistan Army’s Operation Searchlight in 1971’, The Indian Express, 1 December 2024.
https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/chandigarh/military-digest-pakistan-army-operation-searchlight-1971-tikka-khan-9700218/ [13]
^[46] Ibid.
^[47] Pakistan’s Agony, Time, Vol. 98, 2 August 1971.
^[48] Steven Rosskamm Shalom, Imperial Alibis: Rationalizing US intervention after the Cold War, South End Press, Boston, 1993, page 122.
^[49] Sarmila Bose, Dead Reckoning: Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War, Oxford University Press, 2012, pages 55-64.
^[50] Ibid.
^[51] Daily Telegraph, March 30, 1971, quoted in Umar, Emergence of Bangladesh, page 322.
^[52] Department of State, Telegram, 28 March 1971. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book, No. 79, 2002.
^[53] Department of State, Telegram, 30 March, 1971. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book, No. 79, 2002.
^[54] Department of State, Telegram, 31 March, 1971 National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 79, 2002.
^[55] Pakistan’s Agony, Time, Vol. 98, 2 August 1971.
^[56] Personal interview of Adnan, a Mukhi Joddha and a Chatro League student.
^[57] Peter E. Davies (2014), F-104 Starfighter Units in Combat, Osprey Publishing page 83.
^[58] The Events in East Pakistan, 1971, A legal study by the Secretariat of the International Commission of Justice, Geveva 1972, page 43.
^[59] "The 1971 war", BBC News, Archived from the original on 13 November 2007.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/in_depth/south_asia/2002/india_pakistan/timeline/1971.stm [14]

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