Pashtun Qaumi Jirga of the PTM: The Voices of the Pashtuns in Pakistan

Introduction

On October 6 this year, the federal government of Pakistan declared the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM) as an unlawful (proscribed) organization under Section 11B of the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1997, [3] citing threats to national peace and security. This declaration coincided with the PTM's planned Pashtun Qaumi Jirga, scheduled for October 11-13, in Jamrud, a town on the route to the historic Khyber Pass in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The gathering which aimed to address the deteriorating security situation in the Pashtun belt and challenge the abuses committed by military and militant forces against the Pashtun community living in the region, received much support from the ordinary Pashtuns of Pakistan.

However, before delving into details about the Pashtun Qaumi Jirga and the Pakistan state’s banning of PTM, it is critical to understand the origin of PTM, key events in its history, ideological stance, demands, challenges, and responses from the Pakistani state and its implications on the Pashtun society and the Pakistani politics. Therefore, an attempt has been made in this article to define PTM and their non-violent struggle for the rights of the Pashtuns, which led to the holding of Pashtun Qaumi Jirga or Awami Adaalat or Pashtun National Court by the PTM this month.

Over the years, a series of tragic events galvanized the Pashtun community in Pakistan, leading to the establishment of PTM as a powerful voice against injustice and oppression faced by the community in the state. PTM has emerged as a significant grass root civil rights movement within Pakistan, advocating for the rights and justice of the Pashtun people particularly those inhabiting the tribal belt in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the Pashtun areas of Pakistan’s Baluchistan province. Established in 2018, PTM seeks to address the myriad injustices faced by Pashtuns as a result of decades of conflict, and militarization in their region. [4] This movement has highlighted the plight of the Pashtuns, who have faced systemic discrimination/injustices, ethnic profiling, and human rights violations, particularly in the context of the Pakistan army’s military operations and counter-terrorism strategies in the region. [5]

Historical Context

Emergence of the PTM

The PTM can trace its roots to three pivotal events [6] that aroused public sentiment and mobilized activism among the Pakistani Pashtuns especially those inhabiting the Pashtun tribal belt:

1. Khat Tehreek (Shirt Movement, 2014): In the year 2014, a video surfaced in Pakistani media showing Pakistani security officials disrespecting traditional Pashtun attire worn by women of the Mahsud tribe [6] sparked outrage and became a catalyst for the Khat Tehreek, where Pashtuns began to assert their cultural identity and demand respect for their customs within the state of Pakistan. This was the beginning of the Khat Tehreek.
2. Mahsud Tahaffuz Movement (MTM, 2017): In 2017, a tragic landmine explosion in Shamkai village, South Waziristan, resulted in the deaths of many civilians, including women and children [6]. This event highlighted the dangers posed by landmines and military operations, leading to the formation of the MTM, which sought to address the historical grievances of the Mahsud tribe specifically. This movement, initially started by a few students from Gomal University, [7] gradually gained popularity among locals as it sheds light on the struggles of over half a million people who had to flee their home villages due to ongoing conflict between militants and the security forces.
3. Transformation into PTM (2018): However, the killing of a young Pashtun man named Naqeebullah Mahsud in a fake police encounter in Karachi in January 2018 was a turning point for the movement. This incident inspired broader Pashtun activism, leading to the rebranding of the MTM as the PTM [6], which sought to unite various Pashtun tribes under a common banner advocating for civil rights and transparency from the state of Pakistan.

Composition and Leadership

It is significant to stress that the PTM is primarily composed of educated youth, particularly students [8] from lower and average economic backgrounds, who have directly experienced violence, displacements, and ethnic profiling in the state of Pakistan [9]. It indicated that the movement is not affiliated with traditional Pashtun political or religious parties [9], allowing for a fresh perspective and approach to Pashtun ethnic consciousness and nationalism. The PTM's leadership is diverse, incorporating leaders from different tribes (Mehsud, Wazir, Dawar) and regions, particularly from Waziristan, which has historically been marginalized in Pakistan’s Pashtun political landscape [9].

Women's Participation

However, a noteworthy aspect of the PTM is the active participation of women in the movement, advocating for women's rights and representation in the broader struggle for Pashtun rights. In a society where patriarchal norms have historically marginalized Pashtun women, the PTM acknowledges that genuine progress and justice can only be attained through the active involvement and empowerment of women. [10] Thus this involvement reflects a progressive shift within Pashtun society, challenging the traditional gender roles.

Ideology and Strategy

Core Principles

The PTM is characterized by a peaceful, secular, grassroots civil rights ideology whose core principles include:

• Respect for Human Rights: [9] Advocating for the protection and respect of the human rights of Pashtuns. However, later on, the movement broadened its scope and stood for the rights of all the minorities in the country.
• Secular Pashtun Nationalism [11]: PTM is also promoting a version of Pashtun nationalism that is inclusive and not solely based on religious affiliations which deviates it from other similar movements which are active in the region. [12] For instance: the movement of TTP (Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan) which has Pashtun Islamist tendencies.

Non-Violent Strategies

From its inception, PTM has employed non-violent strategies to achieve its goals, including:

• Peaceful Demonstrations [9]: Organizing sit-ins and protests to raise awareness and pressure the government for reforms.
• Electoral Participation [9]: Although PTM is not a political party; however, it encourages its supporters to engage in the political process in order to secure representation and a voice in the decision-making.

Initial Demands of the PTM [9]

The PTM's demands are extensive and focused on addressing systemic injustices faced by the Pashtun community. The group’s key demands include:

• Accountability for Violence: This is the basic demand of the movement. For instance: Punishment for police officers involved in the killing of Naqeebullah Mahsud and the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
• Legal Recourse for Missing Persons: Addressing the issue of enforced disappearances and providing legal avenues for families of missing individuals have been another demand of the PTM.
• End to Ethnic Profiling: This has been a major issue faced by the Pashtun community in Pakistan, especially the ones belonging to the tribal belt. Hence, PTM stands for ceasing the practice of systematically suspecting Pashtuns of militancy in Pakistan.
• Humanitarian and Safety Measures: Another critical demand of the PTM is the urgent clearance of landmines in Waziristan [9] to ensure the safety and security of the local Pashtun communities.
• Equality and Justice: However, the foremost demand of the PTM is the advocacy for Pashtuns to be recognized as equal citizens in Pakistan, free from discrimination and harassment.

Achievements

Despite facing significant challenges, the PTM has also achieved several notable milestones till date:

• Arrests and Accountability: The movement contributed to the arrest of Rao Anwar, the police officer involved in Naqeebullah's death, although he was released later on.
• Legislative Changes: The abolition of permit cards [13] for Pashtuns traveling from tribal areas and the mainstreaming of FATA through the 25th Amendment which led to the merging of FATA to KPK [14] are contributions of PTM activism to a larger extent.
• International Attention: [15] In addition, the PTM has also successfully garnered global awareness regarding the plight of Pashtuns, bringing attention to state atrocities and human rights abuses, especially through social media.

Challenges Faced

However, the PTM's path has been fraught with challenges:

• Ethnic Exclusivity: The movement has faced criticism for being solely focused on Pashtun issues [13], which restricts its ability to garner wider support.
• State Repression: As the PTM directly targets Pakistan’s deep state for its atrocities in the Pashtun belt and thereby challenges the institutions' legitimacy in front of the general public, [16] it faces direct hostility from the Pakistani military and state apparatus, leading to arrests and crackdowns on protests and its members, supporters, and activists.
• Media Blackout: [17] Furthermore, limited coverage in mainstream Pakistani media hampers the movement's visibility to a great extent. For this reason, the movement has to primarily rely on social media for its outreach.
• Allegations of Foreign Linkages: The Pakistan Army has levelled allegations against the PTM, asserting that the group has foreign linkages [18] (allegedly with Afghan and Indian security agencies) that undermine national security. [19] These claims suggest that the PTM is receiving external support aimed at destabilizing the country, particularly in the context of rising ethnic tensions in the state. The military's narrative posits that such connections threaten Pakistan's sovereignty and cohesion. In response, PTM leaders have vehemently denied these accusations, framing them as attempts to delegitimize their grassroots activism for Pashtun rights and divert attention from the issues faced by their communities. [4]
• Allegations of Extremism: The PTM has also faced accusations of having ties with extremist groups like the Taliban (both TTP and Afghan Taliban [20]), complicating its efforts for legitimacy. However, time and again the movement denies these allegations. PTM is also vocal about the atrocities perpetrated by the Taliban and other militant groups in the Pashtun region, which have altered the fundamental fabric of Pashtun society and contributed to its radicalization. [21]

Therefore, the recent ban imposed on the PTM by the Pakistani government, citing national security threats, has raised serious concerns among human rights organizations both within and outside Pakistan. Critics argue that the ban aims to silence dissent and stifle a legitimate civil rights movement. It has also been presumed that this action could alienate the Pashtun community further and potentially escalate tensions in the region. [22]

Reasons for the Ban

In reality, the banning of the PTM is rooted in various factors that threaten the status quo in Pakistan. The movement has directly targeted Pakistan’s deep state, accusing it of committing atrocities against the Pashtun people for decades. PTM leaders contend that state security agencies are waging proxy wars from the Pashtun belt, [23] which exacerbates the suffering of local populations. [7] By confronting these issues, the PTM seeks not only justice for the Pashtun community but also aims to reshape the political landscape in Pakistan.

Another key reason is the movement’s attempt to forge alliances with the Baloch movement, signalling a broader demand for autonomy or in extreme cases self-determination that could challenge national unity within Pakistan. The potential alliance between the PTM and the Baloch Yakjehti Committee represents a strategic collaboration aimed at addressing shared grievances against state oppression and resource exploitation. This coalition seeks to unify Pashtun and Baloch voices in advocating for human rights, and greater autonomy within Pakistan. [24]

Moreover, the PTM has also brought attention to the exploitation of resources [25] in the Pashtun belt, addressing issues ranging from depopulation to deforestation under the guise of security measures. [26] This has highlighted the community's grievances regarding environmental degradation and resource mismanagement in their area.

However, the government's justification for the ban includes allegations of PTM's ties to anti-Pakistan forces— a claim that its leaders strongly deny. Human rights organizations, such as Amnesty International, [27] and Pakistan’s Human Rights Commission [28] have also condemned the ban, asserting it as an attempt to curb dissent and undermine the Pashtun people's struggle for justice on the eve of its holding of the grand Pashtun national Jirga.

The Pashtun Qaumi Jirga

The Pashtun Qaumi Jirga was a landmark event intended to bring together Pashtun leaders and elders from across the region to express solidarity and address the historical injustices faced by their communities. Jirga, a traditional conflict resolution mechanism prevalent among the Pashtun people has been a part of Pashtunwali [29]— the traditional Pashtun code of conduct or the Pashtun way of life. These Pashtunwali principles predate the emergence of Islam in the Pashtun belt and have a prominent status in the Pashtun society till date. Therefore, Pashtun Qaumi Jirga was envisioned as a platform to confront “long-standing grievances, including extrajudicial killings, land grabs, and the effects of state-sponsored terrorism on the Pashtun lands. [30]”

In the days leading up to the event, Pakistani security forces conducted multiple raids on PTM camps, resulting in numerous arrests and violent confrontations. [31] Just two days before the event, Pakistani security forces attacked the people gathered for the Jirga resulted into the killings of at least 4 people and the injuring of dozens of PTM supporters. [32] Despite this repression, PTM leader Manzoor Pashteen asserted that the Jirga would proceed under any circumstances. Notwithstanding the ban, the KPK government under the Chief Ministership of Ali Amin Gandapur decided to allow the PTM to hold the Pashtun national Jirga after the decision of a ‘grand Jirga’ that was held in his residence in Peshawar on 10 October, attended by Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi, Governor Faisal Karim Kundi, Speaker KP Assembly Babar Saleem Swati, Leader of Opposition Dr Ibadullah, representatives of political parties including Amir Maqam of PML-N, Aimal Wali Khan (ANP), Prof Ibrahim of Jamaat-i-Islami, National Democratic Movement’s Mohsin Dawar and others. [33] However, it was emphasized that no provocative/anti-Pakistan slogans or the national flag of Afghanistan would be permitted at the event [33].

Finally, the three-day Jirga started with a slight delay [34], bringing together Pashtun elders and leaders from across the region, stretching from Swat to Chaman, showcasing an extraordinary display of solidarity among the Pashtuns across geographical regions. [35] A two-hour documentary was screened/presented at the event, demonstrating the devastating effects of violence and displacement in the Pashtun belt. The Pashtun Qaumi Jirga's agenda included critical discussions around the impacts of militarization and war on Pashtun society, encapsulated in the PTM's comprehensive research White Paper titled "War and Militarization Damages: The Case of Pashtuns [36]."

The paper revealed alarming statistics regarding the Pashtun’s experience over the last more than two decades of conflict. However, Islamabad-based Pakistan Institute of Conflict and Strategic Studies (PICSS) believes that the data presented by the PTM is “exaggerated [35].” Nevertheless, the White Paper, founded on extensive grassroots research and surveys carried out by PTM, highlights the following key findings from a thorough investigation into the impacts of war and militarization across 26 districts [36].

Key Findings of the White Paper

1. Massive Displacement

The report highlighted that over 5.7 million civilians [36] have been displaced with 2.3 million still homeless due to military operations, leading to a profound humanitarian crisis in the Pashtun belt. Moreover, this displacement is not just a physical uprooting but also a disruption of community structures and cultural ties of the Pashtuns.

2. Human Cost

It was cited that the human cost of ongoing violence is staggering, with thousands of enforced disappearances and civilian casualties remained unaccounted for. The data indicates that from March 2000 to September 2024, there have been a total of 68,691 terrorism-related fatalities in Pakistan, with approximately 75.03% occurring in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, former FATA, and Pashtun districts of the Baluchistan province. [36]

3. Economic Devastation

In addition, the socio-economic landscape of the region has been severely impacted due to instability, with key industries collapsing and poverty rates exceeding 27% in conflict-affected areas [36]. The widespread destruction of infrastructure has further compounded the economic challenges faced by the community.

4. Destruction of Education and Infrastructure

The ongoing conflict has also led to widespread damage to schools and hospitals, disproportionately affecting women and children. The White Paper estimates that 20% [36] of homes in the villages have been completely destroyed, exacerbating the educational and healthcare crises.

5. Impact of Landmines

The legacy of military operations includes the catastrophic impact of landmines, with 178 recorded [36] landmine blasts in South Waziristan resulting in significant loss of life and injury. The PTM has documented 800 deaths from landmine explosions, [36] along with thousands of injuries, highlighting the long-term dangers posed to civilian populations by these mines.

6. Military Operations and Targeted Violence

The White Paper records a total of 11 military operations [36] in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and erstwhile FATA launched by the Pakistani military against the so-called anti-state forces from 2001 onwards. However, these operations have also been accompanied by militants' (both pro-government and anti-government groups) targeted attacks on cultural sites, such as music centers and Sufi shrines, aimed at suppressing Pashtun identity and cultural expression.

7. Data on Missing Persons

Another significant human rights concern is the plight of missing persons, with 6,700 [36] individuals recorded as missing across the surveyed districts. This highlights the urgent need for accountability and transparency in addressing human rights violations in the region.

Historical Context of Pashtun Suffering

According to data produced by PTM, over the last 20 years, the Pashtun community has faced staggering losses, including:

• 76,584 lives lost to violence. [36]
• 2,700 widows created by conflict-related deaths.
• 7,538 individuals disabled by landmines.
• Around 4,000 cattle have also been killed after stepping on landmines.
• 1,738 tribal elders, regarded as the pillars of their communities, have been murdered.
• 213 female polio workers have lost their lives.
• 2000 religious scholars have been eliminated.
• 3,70,000 houses have been destroyed.
• 36 Pashtun Bazaars have been demolished.
• A total of 2,17,000 National Identity cards have been blocked, causing significant inconvenience for locals in accessing basic services.
• 1 million acres of land seized by the Pakistan Army in the name of military operation [36].
• Over 22 thousand people have been jailed whose crimes are yet to be known.

The cost of violence includes 9,237 major bomb blasts [36], resulting in widespread displacement and destruction of homes and businesses of the local people. The evidence presented during the Jirga illustrates a pattern of systemic oppression aimed at achieving Pakistan state’s strategic objectives at the expense of Pashtun's lives.

Exploitation of National Resources

The PTM's ground-breaking research also sheds light on the exploitation of natural resources in Pakhtunkhwa, including significant reserves of oil, gas, and precious minerals. Despite the wealth of resources, local communities have seen little benefit, while the state apparatus profits from their exploitation.

It is reported that Pakhtunkhwa, a region rich in natural resources, has long been a focal point of exploitation by the Pakistani state. Despite its vast wealth in oil, gas, minerals, and agricultural products, local communities continue to suffer from systemic injustices and economic marginalization [36]. The following data highlights the extent of resource extraction and its implications for the region.

A Wealth of Resources

1. Oil Exports

In the past 11 months, 8.5 million barrels of oil have been exported from the Karak region [36], showcasing its significant oil reserves. Sources suggest that in the Betani oil field of Lakki Betani, daily oil extraction ranges from 1,000 to 3,000 barrels. Additionally, Miranshah is reported to hold enough oil to meet Pakistan's needs for the next 40 years, yet local communities remain largely uninformed about the benefits of these resources.

2. Mineral Wealth

Pakhtunkhwa is home to 70 million carats of high-quality emeralds present in Swat, with the market price for 220 carats ranging from $4,000 to $6,000 [36]. Other notable minerals include 1,935 tons of nephrite extracted from Mohmand and extensive marble deposits, with 200 million tons in Malakand, 2 billion tons in Buner and Mardan, 1 billion tons in Chitral, and 100 million tons in Swabi. Annually, 1.36 million tons of marble are exported from Mohmand alone, highlighting the scale of this industry [36]. Furthermore, 85,000 tons of marble and 1550 tons of chromite are obtained from Bajaur every year whereas 40 tons of fluorite have been extracted from Khyber this year. In addition, the report noted that there are over $7 billion worth of precious gemstones in Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan, while North Waziristan contains 36,000 million tons of copper valued at $7,000 per ton.

3. Natural Gas and Coal

The region has also exported 65 billion cubic feet of gas from Karak within the same 11-month period. Daily exports include 5,000 tons of coal (in Daki district of Southern Pakhtunkhwa), particularly from areas like Dara Adam Khel, which produces 350,000 tons yearly [36]. Furthermore, Kurram and the Gomal hills are rich in coal deposits, underscoring the potential for economic growth if managed sustainably.

4. Agricultural Production

Chitral, South Waziristan, and South Pakhtunkhwa collectively produce 640,000 kilograms of pine nuts annually, valued significantly in international markets, particularly in China. Unfortunately, these outputs don’t adequately support local infrastructure developments or investments.

5. Electricity Generation

It is reported that the Tarbela Dam generates between 4,000 to 5,000 megawatts of electricity, sufficient to power 250 large factories [36]. Additionally, the rivers of Malakand have the potential to generate 30,000 megawatts of electricity annually at a minimal cost of 1 to 2 rupees per unit, yet local populations often face electricity shortages in the area.

6. Control and Ownership

Furthermore, key infrastructures, such as the Kohat tunnel, which accommodates 30,000 to 35,000 vehicles daily [36], are controlled by military-affiliated organizations, reflecting a broader trend of privatization of resources that excludes local input and benefit.

Economic Disparity and Marginalization

Despite the region's abundant resources, local communities have witnessed little economic benefit. The exploitation of these resources has been largely managed by external entities, often aligned with the state, which siphons off profits without reinvesting in local infrastructure or services. As a result, residents of Pakhtunkhwa remain impoverished, struggling for access to basic amenities and economic opportunities.

It was also reported that the Pakistani government has received $64 billion [36] for military operations in Pashtun areas over the last two decades, yet the ordinary people have neither taken up arms nor declared war against the state. This highlights the plight of the Pashtun people who are often referred to as militants, terrorists, or the sympathizers of the Taliban by the Pakistani state. The narrative against the Pashtuns has been constructed in such a manner that it makes it difficult even for ordinary Pakistani citizens to empathize with the community. PTM has further stated that the Pashtun people were merely sacrificed by the Pakistani establishment to fulfil its strategic interests and objectives vis-a-vis Afghanistan and India.

The paper also criticized Pakistani state institutions for creating a distinction between "good Taliban" and "bad Taliban" (pro-state militants versus anti-state militants), arguing that this has contributed to widespread destabilization and insecurity in the Pashtun region. The above-mentioned statistics highlight the devastating consequences of ongoing conflict, military operations, and systemic oppression where in some cases whole generations of the community have been displaced, families have been shattered, and the region’s cultural and intellectual fabric has been profoundly damaged.

Outcomes and Resolutions of the Pashtun Qaumi Jirga

Therefore, the recent national Jirga marked a pivotal moment in Pashtun activism, with several key resolutions emerging. While addressing the Jirga, PTM leader Manzoor Pashteen made a few important suggestions to the national court:

• Demand for Autonomy [36]: Emphasizing the need for self-governance, Pashteen highlighted that nations with their own governments enjoy security, urging the establishment of an autonomous Pashtun entity.
• Pakistan Army and the Taliban: He further stated that the army and the Taliban must withdraw from the Pashtun areas, as they have contributed to insecurity in the region. He further emphasized that the Pashtuns should view the army, ISI, and both the good and bad Taliban as terrorist groups [37].
• Rejection of the Durand Line: The Durand Line holds no significance for Pashtuns and should be reopened for travel and trade [37] as it was in the past. He stated that history will remember that on October 13, 2024, Pashtuns once again rejected the Durand Line, declaring it illegitimate [38].
• Legal Reforms: He also called for a review of existing laws, which are viewed as remnants of colonial governance, to ensure they reflect the rights of free citizens of the Pashtun land [39], not the oppressing establishment.
• Formation of a National Army: He made a proposal to the Jirga for the establishment of a national force of 200,000 youths to protect Pashtun lives and properties, marking a shift towards community-led security initiatives. He emphasized that Pashtuns have historically been defended by their own armies in the face of outside threats [37].

Finally, in the late hours of October 13, on behalf of the PTM – the primary organizers of the Jirga – Pashteen announced a 22-point declaration [40] after the conclusion of the three-day Pashtun National Court/Pashtun Qaumi Jirga. The key points of the declaration were:

Withdrawal of Military/Militant Forces: A two-month ultimatum [36] was issued for the Pakistan Army and associated militant groups to withdraw from the Pashtun areas, reflecting the community's demand for security and peace. It was also noted that the Jirga will explore alternative solutions if this decision is not implemented within the next two months [41].

On Durand Line: The Jirga reaffirmed the Pashtun identity beyond colonial borders, demanding the reopening of cross-border trade and movement without passport and visa.

Resolution of Local Conflicts: A delegation was appointed to mediate tribal and sectarian disputes [36], reinforcing local governance in the absence of effective state authority especially in areas like Kurram where sectarian conflicts are widespread.

Economic Rights: The Jirga called for equitable access to electricity [36] and resources, demanding a fair pricing mechanism for local communities. It was decided that electricity generated in the Pashtun homeland would be free in tribal districts, while in other areas of Pakhtunkhwa, it would be capped at no more than Rs. 5 per unit [42] instead of the current >60 Rs./unit [43].

Zero Tolerance for Extortion: A strong stance against extortion was adopted in the Jirga, vowing to protect Pashtun livelihoods from exploitation.

End of Social Evils: The Jirga also stood for a complete ban on the practice of swara or wani, [40] an evil practice prevalent among the Pashtuns.

Some additional demands included ensuring that the local population has priority rights over the region's resources, the resettlement of individuals displaced by terrorism and military actions, an end to military’s interference in politics, and the establishment of a judicial commission to investigate the killings of PTM workers in the days leading up to the Jirga, among others. [40]

Unique Aspects of the Jirga

However, this Pashtun Qaumi Jirga was notable not only for the greater Pashtun solidarity but also for its inclusive nature, with significant participation from women and a focus on voicing concerns about attacks on religious minorities and their places of worship in KP [36]. This broadened the scope of the movement beyond ethnic identity to encompass broader human rights issues.

In addition, interestingly, the documentary (screened at the event), along with other videos featuring victims of the war, was streamed live on 43 screens in 13 countries [44], keeping the global Pashtun diaspora connected to the Jirga. It highlights another distinctive aspect of the recently concluded Jirga.

Moreover, the Jirga was attended by people belonging to different political and religious parties in the region. According to the organizers, representatives of more than 20 political parties [44] attended the Jirga. They included Aimal Wali Khan, Mian Iftikhar Hussain, Hussain Shah Yusufzai and others of Awami National Party (ANP), National Democratic Movement’s Afrasiab Khattak, Bushra Gohar [45] and others; Mushtaq Ahmad Khan of Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), members of Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), CM of KP Ali Amin Gandapur, Sohail Afridi, Iqbal Afridi, other MPAs, MNAs from Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), etc. Recently Altaf Hussain, the founder of MQM, [46] also extended his support for the demands of the Pashtun National Jirga.

Nevertheless, during a provincial assembly session, KP CM Gandapur announced that all the demands of the Pashtun Qaumi Jirga would be implemented [47]. Already at the conclusion of the Jirga, Manzoor Pashteen swore an oath alongside all participants to strive diligently to implement the decisions made by the Jirga [41].

Conclusion

Therefore, to conclude, the Pashtun Qaumi Jirga represents a crucial juncture in the ongoing struggle for Pashtun rights and dignity. As the PTM continues to advocate for justice and accountability, the movement challenges the systemic injustices faced by Pashtuns while offering a platform for dialogue and community-led solutions. Therefore, experts believe that Pakistan's choice to ban this prominent civil rights organization will further alienate the country’s substantial Pashtun ethnic minority as the ban is intended to silence the PTM [22]. Analysts also warn that this decision could compel the PTM to forsake its nonviolent approach, [22] potentially destabilizing the north-western province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, [22] home to many Pashtuns.

Nevertheless, the findings of the White Paper serve as a call to action, urging not only local stakeholders but also international community to recognize and address the injustices that have long been overlooked in the discourse surrounding conflict and militarization in the region. The journey toward justice for the Pashtun people is ongoing, and the Jirga stands as a testament to their resilience and commitment to change.

(The paper is the author’s individual scholastic articulation. The author certifies that the article/paper is original in content, unpublished, and it has not been submitted for publication/web upload elsewhere, and that the facts and figures quoted are duly referenced, as needed, and are believed to be correct). (The paper does not necessarily represent the organisational stance... More >>

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