The long-pending India-Central Asia dialogue could not be convened at a more relevant time than now. India has taken a decisive yet measured strike on cross-border terrorism perpetrated by Pakistan in the form of Op Sindoor. Central Asia has also long been affected by the terrorism and extremism challenge emanating from the Af-Pak region. India and Central Asia countries have existing mechanisms to cooperate on this issue, in addition to many other bilateral and multilateral issues. More than ever, there is an urgent need to upgrade the cooperation on security issues with Central Asia.

India considers Central Asia part of its extended neighbourhood and views the region as a natural partner, based on millennia-old civilizational links. Strategic cooperation is one of the main pillars of India’s Central Asia policy. However, despite the magnitude of opportunities and the persisting goodwill in the region, New Delhi has not been able to fully realise its Central Asia policy.

A renewed momentum in relations was recorded after Prime Minister Modi’s visit to five Central Asian republics (CARs) in 2015. The visit has been crucial in elevating India-Central Asia relations. As a result of this visit, multiple initiatives were launched to upgrade India's multidimensional engagement with Central Asia. India became a permanent member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation in 2017, after serving as an observer in this regional grouping for approximately 12 years. The India-Central Asia dialogue at the level of Foreign Ministers (FMs) was launched in 2019, followed by the establishment of the India-Central Asia Business Council in 2020.^[1] All these efforts have finally culminated in a leaders' summit in 2022. Following this summit, which was held virtually, a promising Delhi Declaration was signed. Many ideas mentioned in the declaration have already been implemented; however, a few structural and fundamental issues remain unresolved.

Enabling connectivity between the two regions remains the primary obstacle that requires the most urgent attention. In addition to this, high-level interactions at both the Foreign Ministers' level and the leaders' summit have been delayed. The second leaders' summit was scheduled to take place last year, but couldn’t happen. Similarly, the FM level dialogue was also paused after 2021.

Against this backdrop, and amid the ongoing geopolitical turmoil worldwide and in India’s neighbourhood, the resumption of dialogue between India and Central Asian republics (CARs) at the foreign ministerial level is highly welcomed. On June 6, 2025, Jaishankar hosted the 4th India-Central Asia Dialogue in Delhi, where the foreign ministers of all five countries participated. The joint statement from the dialogue is very promising and includes many significant avenues where India and Central Asian countries can mutually cooperate and benefit. This meeting also provided an opportunity for India’s Bilateral engagement with Central Asian counterparts.

Why is this Dialogue Important, and how is it different from the earlier ones?

The first important aspect to consider is the timing of the dialogue. Post Pahalgam attack and launch of Operation Sindoor, while India achieved a military victory, it seems to have lost the narrative battle to Pakistan. This meeting presented an excellent opportunity to put the narrative right surrounding India's right to self-defense against the cross-border terrorism that originates from Pakistan. All the leaders unequivocally condemned the Pahalgam terrorist attack and also reiterated their commitment to fight against terrorism in all its forms and manifestations.^[2]

This shared commitment of India and Central Asian countries on terrorism and related menaces stems from their common experience of similar threats. The Resistance Front (TRF), which claimed responsibility for the attack in Pahalgam, is an offshoot of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). Additionally, another terrorist group that poses a significant threat to Central Asia is the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, which also receives support from LeT.

The leaders also agreed that sheltering terrorists and using them as proxies for cross-border terrorism financing and spreading radical ideology goes against the norms of humanity and foreign relations. India must expand its cooperation with the region to curb this threat at every level, both bilaterally and multilaterally, as well as through regional organisations.

Secondly, the 4th edition of the India-Central Asia Dialogue explored new avenues of cooperation, including banking, financing, connectivity, investments, digital cooperation, medical tourism, and the Joint exploration and extraction of rare earth and critical minerals.

Considering the need for greater financial connectivity between India and Central Asia through digital payment systems, trade in national currencies, and enhanced cooperation between banks to increase trade, investment, people-to-people exchange, and tourism, a proposal to establish a Joint working group (JWG) to explore avenues in this sector is an important step. Being landlocked, Central countries are increasingly interested in India-led projects such as the International North-South Transport Corridor and the Chabahar port. However, there has been a delay in order to make them fully operational due to banking and customs related issues. The leaders emphasised that simplifying and streamlining the transit procedures can significantly enhance the broader utility of connectivity projects.^[3]

The way India has developed and popularised the digital public infrastructure (DPI) is creditable and serves as a model for other nations. Assisting CARs in developing the DPIs is a significant aspect of renewed India-Central Asia cooperation. Foreign Ministers of India and Central Asian countries have agreed to establish a Digital Development Forum to take this forward, and Uzbekistan has agreed to host the first meeting of this forum.

Cooperation in the health sector also has significant potential. India is one of the most attractive destinations for medical tourism for Central Asia, and there are thousands of Indian students studying medicine in Central Asian countries. This convergence can be transformed into larger opportunities for collaboration. As proposed in the 4th India-Central Asia Dialogue, establishing a JWG on healthcare cooperation can help enhance partnerships in traditional medicine, healthcare delivery, and infrastructure.^[4]

India's cooperation with Central Asian countries within multilateral frameworks, such as the United Nations (UN) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), was emphasized during the meeting. Central Asian nations echoed their support for India's permanent membership in an expanded and reformed United Nations Security Council (UNSC). In the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), the leaders agreed that Central Asia should remain the core of the SCO. The interests and priorities of central Asia should be prioritized in SCO. Allegedly, the SCO is dominated by China. Reiterating that Central Asia is the core of the SCO is essential to counterbalance China. SCO has significant potential, but it must not be hijacked by Beijing. India's presence in the SCO itself serves as a counterbalance to Beijing.^[5]

The 4th India-Central Asia Dialogue was held after a gap of three years and has renewed the momentum in India's engagement with the region. This meeting also served as a precursor to the Second India-Central Asian Leaders' Summit, which is expected to take place at the end of this year. Unlike the previous summit, this one is expected to be held in person. There are at least three Central Asian leaders who have not visited India since taking power. It is high time for this high-level summit between the two regions to occur in order to revitalize bilateral relations.

Implications

A transformation is underway in Central Asia that needs to be observed and understood by Indian policymakers. Currently, there is a positive wave of regional cooperation. New Delhi can utilize this positive development in the region to advance collective initiatives related to trade connectivity and collaboration within a multilateral framework. The geopolitical competition in this region is intensifying, which marks a departure from the dynamics of the 20th century. Along with conventional powers, new actors are also emerging in Central Asia.

Multiple narratives (primarily Western) suggest that Moscow’s influence in Central Asia is diminishing. However, if we examine the way Central Asian leaders engage with Russian President Putin, one can assert that Russia still retains considerable influence in Central Asia. Additionally, China has made significant inroads through extensive economic engagement with the region, which will eventually challenge Russian dominance. For the time being, Russia and China have a close-knit partnership leading the anti-Western global order, due to which the competition in Central Asia is not visible on the surface, but it will eventually come out in the open in the near future.

The United States and the European Union (EU) have adjusted their policies to align with the evolving geopolitical landscape in the region.^[6] Not surprisingly, Turkey is another emerging player that is using its charm offensive entirely in Central Asia. Turkey is gradually increasing its presence in the region on cultural, economic, and geopolitical levels.^[7] One notable aspect is that even Central Asian countries are well aware of their strategic importance and are proactive, seeking to capitalise on the emerging competition for their own development and growth. In this context, India must ensure that it does not lose its strategic position.

Conclusion

The India-Central Asia dialogue, as a precursor to the leaders' summit, is a significant step towards India's renewed engagement with the region amid a rapidly shifting geopolitical landscape. The points of discussion this time have also been new and relevant to the aspirations of the Central Asian countries. However, the key component for the realization of these proposals is delivery. New Delhi should focus on deliverables in order to ensure effective implementation. As the natural partner of Central Asia, continued engagement with effective policy implementation can provide New Delhi with the strategic leverage it requires.

References

^[1] India’s Policy Towards Central Asia: An Appraisal - Diplomatist. https://diplomatist.com/2020/08/26/indias-policy-towards-central-asia-an-appraisal/
^[2] “Operation SINDOOR: Forging One Force, The Synergy of India’s Armed Forces”, PIB Releases,
18 MAY 2025. https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2129453
^[3] Joint Statement of 4th India-Central Asia Dialogue (June 06, 2025)
June 06, 2025. https://www.mea.gov.in/bilateral-documents.htm?dtl/39643
^[4]Ibid.
^[5] India’s bold diplomacy in the SCO aims at countering Chinese dominance in Eurasia, Amb Gurjit Singh, July 8, 2024. https://www.firstpost.com/opinion/indias-bold-diplomacy-in-sco-aims-at-countering-chinese-dominance-in-eurasia-13790607.html
^[6] Shyngys Zipatolla, Rethinking EU Strategy in Central Asia, German Council on Foreign Relations, May 14, 2025. https://dgap.org/en/research/publications/rethinking-eu-strategy-central-asia
^[7] Luke Rodeheffer, ‘Türkiye Expands Military and Cultural Influence in Central Asia’, Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 21 Issue: 115, July 30, 2024.https://jamestown.org/program/turkiye-expands-military-and-cultural-influence-in-central-asia/

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