The terrorist attack on April 22, 2025, in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, which claimed the lives of at least 26 civilians, including one Nepalese national, sent shockwaves through South Asia and beyond. The terror attack bore the hallmarks of cross-border terrorism linked to groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba and aided by Pakistan's ISI, triggered not just national mourning in India but a strategic and punitive diplomatic escalation. Adhering to its Zero Tolerance policy against terrorism, New Delhi swiftly responded in the form of a punitive counter terrorism operation called 'Operation Sindoor.' This targeted military campaign struck terror camps in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) and even inside Pakistan. It also reaffirmed India's resolve to deal with terrorism at its source. Yet, what perhaps deserves deeper attention is how this crisis reverberated beyond the subcontinent, particularly among key Eurasian players such as Russia and the Central Asian republics.

Their reactions were not surprising and were limited to condemnation of terrorism and cautious calls for restraint on the escalation between India and Pakistan. A review of their responses gives us an idea of how India's strategic partners and regional players see the Pahalgam terrorist attack and the bigger picture of Indo-Pakistani relations in a changing world.

Russia's Balancing Act: Solidarity, Realpolitik, and Strategic Caution

The Russian response to the Pahalgam attack was unequivocal in its condemnation of terrorism in all forms and manifestations. On April 22, Russian President Vladimir Putin sent a condolence message to President Droupadi Murmu and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. His message described the attack as a "brutal crime" that cannot be justified under any circumstances, and he also pointed out that its organisers and perpetrators should be punishment. Putin also emphasized Russia's willingness to step up counter-terror cooperation with India. Russian president's message reflects a strong strategic understanding between the two countries. This understading has been developed by decades of military, energy, and geopolitical cooperation.^[1]

However, statements of solidarity were not the only response from Russia. Additionally, it demonstrated a skillful diplomatic balancing act. The Ambassadors of India and Pakistan met separately with Russia's Deputy Foreign Minister, Andrey Rudenko, in Moscow on April 28. The conversation with Indian Ambassador Mr. Vinay Kumar centred on strengthening bilateral relations and reaffirming common anti-terrorism commitments.^[2] But Russia's tone changed to one of de-escalation with the Pakistani Ambassador to Moscow. Russian statement emphasised on engagement between Islamabad and New Delhi in dialogue to help prevent the situation from getting worse. After this meeting, Russian MFA readout, intrestingly mentioned that the meeting with the Pakistani Ambassador took place at the latter's request. This suggests that Pakistan was following India's lead in its diplomatic outreach after the conflict.^[3]

In subsequent high-level phone calls between Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and his Indian and Pakistani counterparts, and later between President Putin and PM Modi, the Russians struck a careful balance. They reiterated their condemnation of terrorism, yet consistently urged a political and diplomatic resolution to the India-Pakistan escalation, invoking the 1972 Simla Agreement and the 1999 Lahore Declaration.^[4] The Russian media, meanwhile, adopted a neutral tone. Outlets like TASS, RIA, and RT reported both the Pahalgam attack and India's retaliatory Operation Sindoor in a fact-based manner. They acknowledged India's claims of hitting nine terror camps and killing 70 militants, while also including Pakistan's counter-claims of civilian casualties and depicting the humanitarian cost near the Line of Control. The Russian media also highlighted the religious nature of the terrorist attack in Pahalgam.

Russia's balancing act post-Pahalgam is characteristic of Moscow's evolving South Asia strategy. India remains a time-tested partner for Russia as it navigates Western sanctions and strategic isolation, while relations with Pakistan are still developing based on mutual interests in energy cooperation, trade, multilateralism, and regional security in Eurasia, especially along the Af-Pak border. Their relations are also impacted by the China factor. China's strong ties with both Russia and Pakistan have helped bring Moscow and Islamabad closer together, especially in areas such as security and regional projects. Pakistan's insertion into the SCO along with India in 2017 is one such example.

The Russian approach reveals a core principle of its post-Ukraine diplomatic policy. It strikes a balance between rhetoric and restraint while maintaining a central role in regional dispute mediation. For example, while Russia's sympathies lay with India, its actions remained guided by its own geostrategic ambitions.

Central Asia's Chorus: Condemning Terrorism but Maintaining Strategic Neutrality

The balanced and diplomatic reaction from Central Asian countries (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan) was shaped by their own security concerns, geographic proximity to Afghanistan and Pakistan, the China factor, and membership in regional organizations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO).

A prompt response from Uzbekistan came with a clear moral stance on the Pahalgam terrorist attack. Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev sent personal messages of condolence to India's leadership. He described the attack as a tragic act of terror.^[5] After India launched Operation Sindoor, the Uzbek government issued a statement. The statement urged both New Delhi and Islamabad to exercise maximum restraint to avoid further escalation. The Foreign Ministry of Uzbekistan likewise backed a peaceful settlement and all measures, whether regional or international, to lower tensions. Tashkent's neutral position highlights its ambition to be seen as a stabilising force in the region. moreover, Uzbekistan also portrays itself as a responsible stakeholder in multilateral mechanisms such as SCO.^[6]

Kazakhstan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued almost similar statements. It expressed profound concern over the worsening India-Pakistan tensions and called for maximum restraint. Kazakh Government refrained from taking sides and it emphasised on diplomatic solutions and adherence to international norms reflects Astana's broader multi-vector foreign policy. This policy seeks to maintain balanced ties with both India and Pakistan, as well as major powers like Russia, China, and the West.^[7]

The kyrgyz Republic issued its statement via the President's personal social media handle. In his message, kyrgyz president Sadyr Zhaparov, underscored the importance of peace, stability, and adherence to international law. He also called for both India and Pakistan to return to the negotiating table. The reference to 'our friendly SCO member states' was subtle but significant, framing the issue not just as a bilateral South Asian problem, but as one with implications for the wider SCO bloc.^[8]

Turkmenistan, which is the only Central Asian country following permanent neutrality also condemned the Pahalgam terrorist attack. Turkmen President Serdar Berdimuhamedov strongly condemned the Pahalgam attack and expressed solidarity with India. The message that he conveyed to Indian government reaffirmed Turkmenistan's support for the global fight against terrorism. Although it avoided direct commentary on India's military response, the message carried symbolic weight, especially coming from a country that usually remains detached from regional disputes.^[9]

Collectively, the Central Asian responses can be understood as a regional consensus against terrorism. But the strategic reluctance was quite visible. They all wanted to refrain themselves from endorsing any military action that could exacerbate Indo-Pakistani tensions. These countries are deeply aware of their own vulnerabilities, proximity to jihadist movements in Afghanistan, the risk of spillover extremism, and economic dependence on China. As such, their public diplomacy is crafted to avoid taking sides while still asserting a moral stance.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, while India has maintained a continued positive perception in Central Asia, while Pakistan was viewed with suspicion and mistrust by these countries. And the main reason for that was Pakistan's support for terrorist groups and cross-border terrorism. However, Pakistan's engagement with Central Asia has increased in the last decade. Although Pakistan's relations with Central Asian countries do not have much substance, the geostrategic importance of Pakistan has grown for Central Asia following the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan in 2021 and later due to the Ukraine conflict in 2022. China factor has also been another important reason for this. The above factors have led to a neutral and balanced approach by these countries. This also serves as a reminder for India to enhance its strategic engagement with Central Asia.

Implications

The regional response from Russia and Central Asia is not surprising. None of these states questioned India's narrative of a Pakistan-based terror attack, nor did they downplay the civilian loss in Pahalgam. Yet, their measured reactions to Operation Sindoor underscore a collective caution that escalation between two nuclear-armed neighbours is a scenario to be avoided at all costs. However, from India's perspective, there have been higher expectations for Moscow to take India's side. Analysts argue that New Delhi also adopted a neutral position on Ukraine, but it is important to remember that Pakistan supported Ukraine and even allegedly exported arms to Kiev. Russia could have considered these factors while formulating its balanced position on the recent India-Pakistan conflict.^[10]

These countries' balanced positions signal an evolution in Eurasian strategic thinking. CARs might have issued obligatory statements or followed the lead of larger powers but today they demonstrate independent foreign policy positions grounded in stability, legality, and regional interdependence. For Russia, the event presented an opportunity to assert its relevance as a potential mediator. It also served as a reminder for central Asia of how such incidents in South Asia can impact their own security, economies, and diplomatic resources.

Conclusion

The Pahalgam incident and India's subsequent punitive military actions against cross-border terrorism weren't simply a flashpoint between India and Pakistan. But they were also a litmus test of how well diplomacy works especially in a rapidly changing international relations. Russia and the Central Asian republics responded not with platitudes, but with nuanced and balanced positions. The moderate language and use of terms such as international law, strategic moderation, and humanitarian concern in their statements indicate that Eurasian geopolitics is becoming more mature. They shape the narrative, influence forums like the SCO and BRICS, and add to the strategic depth of India's Eurasia policy. As the world becomes more multipolar, India will need regional alliances to counterbalance not only immediate threats, such as cross-border terrorism, but also the diplomatic isolation tactics of adversarial powers. The responses were indicators of a converging regional consensus that denounces terrorism but demands restraint. It also sympathises with victims, but values dialogue, acknowledging India's pain while reminding it of its regional responsibilities.

References

^[1] Condolences to the President of India, Droupadi Murmu and the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, April 22, 2022. http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/76780
^[2] Press release on Deputy Foreign Minister Andrey Rudenko with India's Ambassador to Russia Vinay Kumar- 28 April 2025. https://mid.ru/en/foreign_policy/news/2012232/
^[3] Press release on Deputy Foreign Minister Andrey Rudenko's meeting with Pakistan's Ambassador to Russia Muhammad Khalid Jamali- 28-04-2025. https://mid.ru/en/foreign_policy/news/2012250/
^[4] Comment by Foreign Ministry Spokeswoman Maria Zakharova on the continued aggravation in India-Pakistan relations, 7 May 2025. https://mid.ru/en/foreign_policy/news/2014232/
^[5] Telegram message on the Uzbek president's Press Secretary. https://t.me/Press_Secretary_Uz/5638
^[6] Statement by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Uzbekistan
May 7, 2025. https://gov.uz/en/mfa/news/view/52529
^[7] Statement by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Kazakhstan, May 8, 2025. https://www.gov.kz/memleket/entities/mfa/press/news/details/992468
^[8] President of the Kyrgyz Republic's post on Twitter dated May 7, 2025.
https://x.com/sadyrzhaparov/status/1920110402870120733
^[9] Turkmen President Extends Condolences to India, April 24, 2025. https://www.business.com.tm/post/13471/turkmen-president-extends-condolences-to-india
^[10] 'Pakistan sent its arms to Ukraine for quick money and now its arsenals are empty: Report' The Week News Desk, May 04, 2025. https://www.theweek.in/news/world/2025/05/04/pakistan-sent-its-arms-to-ukraine-for-quick-money-and-now-its-arsenals-are-empty-report.html

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